This webpage has been initiated on 31 October 2022
Current status: 17 November 2022
On 16 May 2023 I have added:
Chapter 2 (4 November 2022)
Chapter 3 (7 November 2022)
Chapter 4 (9 November 2022)
Chapter 5 additional note (12 November 2022)
Chapter 5a additional note (17 November 2022)
Since 16 May 2023 I have attached Kees Neisingh's contribution on Helmut Siegfried Goldschmidt;
which he supposed to be published somewhere in the Netherlands.
Though, this would have implied a severe reduction in page numbers, and consequently creating a, more or less, worthless document.
We therefore can enjoy a nice and rather well researched document; which Kees has extended with bits and pieces found in the Dutch National Archives.
Considering the materials left behind, Kees unravelled some unknown aspects of our Helmut Siegfried Goldschmidt.
Kees Neisingh's contribution on Hellmut Siegfried Goldtschmidt
Reserve Ritmeester Mr. Hellmuth Siegfried Goldschmidt's photo
Selected papers from the Goldschmidt (= Peasant) Case
Likely as to save Mr Goldschmidt's reputation, the British Services maintained the once coined cover-name "Peasant"
Which, however, I would like to correct, as Mr. Goldschmidt isn't alive any more; but history should at some instant reveal someone's true identity.
I have, therefore, added in places where the true name had been mad invisible or had been covered-up, Mr. Goldschmidt's actual name in blue colour.
Quite confusing is that the opening pages of this selection of papers do not make any sense, as a kind of introduction.
I therefore have decided to skip the first pages and would like to start with the first substantial document-copy:
KV 2/467-1, page 9 (minute 181)
D.D.G. (Dick White) through A.D.B.
Goldschmidt a Dutchman, was recruited in Holland as a German agent in the summer of 1942 and received training in W/T and secret writing. He arrived in Lisbon (AOB: The place, with sound transport connections with the U.K. and the place to arrange visas as to enter Great Britain) in May, 1943, and there contacted the Dutch authorities under whose, and later S.I.S.'s (M.I.6) instructions he subsequently acted. He arrived in England on 14.9.43 en route for America, where he was intended to work to work, it having been arranged with the F.B.I. that he should first come here (London) for the purpose of being fully interrogated. As a result of this interrogation the F.B.I. decided that Mr. Goldschmidt was personally too irresponsible and troublesome to be allowed to proceed to America and they therefore proposed that he should actually remain in this country (England) but that letters in secret writing purporting to have been written by him in America should be despatched under their auspices. To this procedure Mr. Goldschmidt agreed and accordingly he is now in this country while letters in his name are being sent to the Germans from America.
A reaction has been obtained from Germans in the shape of a radio message addressed to Mr. Goldschmidt but but since the end of July 1944 no further reaction has been obtained. The possibility exists, therefore, that Mr. Goldschmidt may, either directly or indirectly, have addressed a letter from this country to the Germans informing them that he is here, a proceeding which would, of course, prove to the Germans that the letters which they were receiving from America were not written by him. It is desired, therefore, to keep a watch on Mr. Goldschmidt's outgoing correspondence to find out whether he is, in fact, communicating with the Iberian Peninsular and for this purpose a H.O.W. (Home Office Watch-List) is submitted for approval.
B.1.a. 23.8.44 Sgd. J.H. Marriott.
KV 2/467-1, page 10 (minute 243)
B.1.a. Major Luke.
You may be interested to note that Korvetten-Kapitän Wichmann (https://www.cdvandt.org/kv-2-103-wichmann-dierks.htm), the Leiter of K.d.M. (Kommandomeldegebiet) Hamburg, who is at present at Camp 020, has mentioned one Lutine who, he states, was an agent of (R.S.H.A. Amt VI) I/T/Lw became VI /Wi/T/T (TLw/Wi) K.d.M. Hamburg who left for the U.S.A. via Portugal on a mission to obtain information regarding the American Aircraft industry. He was told to pay special attention to new inventions and new constructions. This agent is clearly identical with Mr. Goldschmidt and was evidently nick-named Lutine by the members of the (Ast) (Abwehrstelle) Hamburg organisation in view of his association with Janssen in salvaging the English vessel Lutine off the Dutch coast. I have passed this information to Mr. (??) of the F.B.I. Wichmann is unable to provide any further details.
W.R.C.1/C (War Room Section C) 11.8.45 Sgd. Miss J. Paine
KV 2/467-1, page 11 (minute 67)
Major Cussen, S.L.B. (mainly related to the prosecution processing)
A short summary of the activities of Mr. Goldschmidt can be obtained from (minute 21a) Under the name of Mr. Goldschmidt I shall be bringing Mr. Goldschmidt to Room 055 (Within the War Room Office) at 11 a.m. on Wednesday 3rd November in order that you may see him. He understands that he is to be interviewed by a person of high authority in the British Intelligence and that you were seeing the American representative yesterday to discuss whether or not Mr. Goldschmidt should take up an assignment in North America.
We agreed that Mr. Goldschmidt should be told that it has been decided not to run his case (think of prosecution), that we are grateful for all the information that he has given us, and that we intend to hand him over to the Dutch authorities who will arrange his final registration with the police and decide on his future employment in this country. Should Mr. Goldschmidt raise any detailed questions regarding who he should tell his story to, how much he should say to the Dutch authorities or how he should deal with his bank in Lisbon you will tell him that you are not concerned with matters of detail and that ?? will provide the answers.
KV 2/467-1, page 12 (minute 242b)
The Foreign Service
United States of America
1, Grosvenor Square
August 8, 1945 (thus after Germany's surrender on 8th May 1945)
Attention: Major W.E. Luke.
Dear Mr. Bird:
Please refer to the letter from Major Luke (minute 239a) dated July 13, 1945, on the Mr. Goldschmidt case, your reference PF 65926/B.1.a?WEL.
The Bureau has informed, in reply to Major Luke's inquiry, that it considers the Mr. Goldschmidt case as being closed and that your office may take whatever steps you deem fit regarding his disposition.
It is quite unlikely that Mr. Goldschmidt's disposition, whatever it may ultimately be, will jeopardize any of our cases. It is not considered advisable to tell him the extent of his notional (fictive) operation from the U.S. but for the sake of his own safety, I believe he should be cautioned not to discuss his activities if and when he returns to the (European) Continent.
Your assistance in the operation of this deception scheme is sincerely appreciated. I am mindful of the fact that you presently have a body (Mr. Goldschmidt) on your hands that will have to be disposed of and although the Bureau interposes no objection as to any decision reached by your office, even by sending him to Holland, please do not hesitate to call on me for any assistance you may require.
J.A. Cimperman (U.S. Embassy)
Mr R.E. Bird
58, St. James' Street (Offices of M.I.5)
KV 2/467-1, page 13 (minute 237a)
The Foreign Service
United States of America
1. Grosvenor Square
June 20, 1945
Dear Mrs. Spring:
Please refer to our past correspondence regarding the case of (Peasant) = Mr. Goldschmidt
Within the near future, it is probable that Mr. Goldschmidt's various German principals, including Janssen, Helwig (Sommer?), Greiner, and Hamman, will be taken into custody. It is the desire of the Bureau that these individuals not be questioned specifically as to (Lutine) (= Mr. Goldschmidt); however, we will be very happy to receive any information concerning Mr. Goldschmidt which these individuals may volunteer.
In view of the above, it would be appreciated if you would advise me of any attempt by Mr. Goldschmidt to return to the (European) Continent. In that event if it should be decided to permit Mr. Goldschmidt to return to the Continent, it is suggested that he be interviewed by you to impress upon him the undesirability of discussing with anyone his activities during the past three years. This could probably be accomplished by advising him that he could not be guaranteed protection against possible reprisals by German fanatics. It is felt Mr. Goldschmidt should be cooperative along these lines, because from the German standpoint, he has been a traitor.
M. Joseph Lynch
Mrs. D. Spring
58, St. James' Street (M.I.5 Offices)
KV 2/467-1, page 22 (minute 210b)
The Foreign Service
United States of America
1, Grosvenor Square
December 11, 1944
Attention: Mr. J.H. Marriott.
Reference is made to a recent conversation I had with Mr. Marriott, at which time we discussed various discrepancies in the translation made by your office in the Peasant (= Mr. Goldschmidt's) Case which resulted in certain errors in the detailed explanation of the code, Some of these were as follows:
I. Instruction contained in microphotograph (micro-dots):
A. In the instructions for forming the indicator group, your translation of the microphotograph and the explanation of the code system given in the body of the report are not in agreement, and both are in error. (AOB: in my perception rather astonishing is: that almost none inside M.I.5 spoke or could read German text and language, whereas French was more or less wide-spread; how is it, in 'Gods sake', possible that they were unable to judge German documents instantly themselves!) The translation of the microphotograph states "one and two are the key to the page, three is a dummy letter, four and five are the key to the day it has been coded." The first and second letter should indicate the line of the page for the day used as the transposition key of the message, not the page itself. However, in the explanation it is stated the first and second letters should indicate the day of encipherment and the last two letters should indicate the line. This reverses the position of the line number and the date, the correct translation being that the first two letters of the indicator groups show the line used, and the last two letters show the date of encipherment.
B. With regard to the method of obtaining call letters from the key book the translation by your office reads, "letters which repeat, like an E coming up more than once, will be left out, and the following letters taken instead," whereas it should read, "letters which repeat, also any E, will be left out, and the following used instead." Had this error not been noted, it would have resulted in the Bureau's using E's in their call signals in direct opposition to orders given in micrograph.
C. Another error noted in the explanation of the code and in the translation of the micrograph is the spelling of two words in the key poem, a portion of the Dutch National Anthem,→
KV 2/467-1, page 23
to be used as the emergency key. The fourth word should be "Oranje" (Dutch for the colour: orange) and not "Cranje" as given and third from the last word should be "in" instead of "is." These two errors in spelling would, of course, materially affect any numerical key derived from the phrase and would result in a completely garbled message.
D. Several other errors occur in the translation; the words "line" and "page" seem to have been interchanged in a number of places. For example, your translation states that the basic (index) letter is the first letter of the "line" for the day instead of the "page" for the day. However, in the explanation "line" and "page" are used correctly.
II. Mail drop addresses given to Mr. Goldschmidt:
On page thirty of your report concerning this case the subject's mail drops are set out. The address which has been used in connection with the case and which was reported on page thirty, was Augusto Strecht, Rua Ribeiro Boavista 285, Porto, Portugal. Secret ink communications and cablegrams were sent to this address during the latter part of 1943 and until August 10, 1944.
In a secret writing letter to Mr. Goldschmidt from his German principals, dated August 8, 1944, Mr. Goldschmidt was advised as follows:
"Letter of December eighth and telegram of April fifteenth was just received. Delayed because incorrect cover address was used. Urgently recommended use of the cover address given by us. Sending blind messages. Immediately after receipt request telegram 'samples received.' We are trying very hard to send money, however, only if safe. End."
M. Joseph Lynch
H.L.A. Hart, Esq.
58, St. James' Street (Offices M.I.5)
KV 2/467-1, page 24 + 25b (minute 202a)
14th November, 1944
I refer to our meeting yesterday when you told me that Mr. Goldschmidt had received an incoming W/T message informing him that a secret ink letter written in December last had only just been received owing to having been incorrectly addressed. The address in question was Augusto Strecht, Rua Ribeiro, Boavista 285, Oporto, and investigations by the F.B.I. have, I understand, shown that there is no such street as Rua Ribeiro in Porto. The F.B.I. have therefore asked whether the name and address ought not to be read as follows:
Augusto Strecht Ribeiro,
I have no street directory of Oporto and cannot therefore say with certainty that the F.B.I.'s suggestion is correct, but it certainly is the fact that there is a street in Oporto called simply Boavista, and it is quite probable therefore that the F.B.I.'s suggestion is right.
As to the way in which the error came into existence I can only say that you will remember that Mr. Goldschmidt wrote at least one letter in Lisbon at the direction of the F.B.I. representative there, who was at the time Flinn, and that we were informed in September 1943 by M.I.6. (S.I.S.) that they had been told by the F.B.I. that the letter was addressed to Augusto Strecht. I suggest therefore that the only way in which this point can be cleared → up is by a search of our representative's records in Lisbon. I do not think that any useful purpose would be served by questioning Mr. Goldschmidt himself whom, as you know, I am on general grounds reluctant to approach, since he can scarcely be expected from memory to clear the thing himself. I will ask M.I.5 if their records throw any light on the point.
KV 2/467-1, page 26 (minute 180a)
I saw Cimperman this morning with reference to this letter of 18.4.44, and explained:
a) that Mr. Goldschmidt presence in this country constituted a risk of which everybody (every citizen?) had been aware from the outset;
b) that having with immense difficulties succeeded in serving our connection with the man I was not at all anxious to contact him again as this would doubtless involve us in the same time wasting correspondence;
c) that Mr. Goldschmidt as soon as he knew the case was showing results, would probably start opening his mouth very wide, with some slight justification; (that is the risk of playing it, just, this way)
d) that I did not think that even if we could be certain of catching his outgoing correspondence, we should have an right to stop it.
Cimperman, who doesn't like the case, agreed entirely and will reply to his head office accordingly. He will point out, as I did to him, that they want to secure the case they had better send Mr. Goldschmidt to the states.
Cimperman asked if I would put Mr. Goldschmidt outgoing mail on check, and I said that I would, thinking of the I.B. List, but I have since remembered that this will involve a H.O.W. (AOB: only via the support of the Home Office - it would have been possible to obtain a G.P.O. retaining order) which, in my view, is not justified. If you agree I will inform Cimperman.
B.1.a. 20.8.44 J.H. Marriott.
(2) (4 November 2022)
KV 2/467-1 page 27 (minute 179a)
The Foreign Service
United States of America
1, Grosvenor Square
August 18, 1944
There is attached hereto a report from the Bureau reflecting the latest developments in the case of Mr. Goldschmidt whom the Bureau is operating as a notional (fictive) double agent in the United States.
I would appreciate the benefit of your comments in line with the last paragraph of the enclosure.
H.L.A. Hart, Esq.
58, St. James' Street (M.I.5 main Offices)
London, S.W. 1
KV 2/467-1, pages 28a + 29b
Espionage - Goldschmidt
In connection with the developments of this case, you are advised that a letter was simulated by the F.B.I. Laboratory on December 8, 1943, and sent to Mr. Goldschmidt's principles (via K.O.Portugal, likely, towards Ast Hamburg) via Augusto Strecht's address, advising them in secret writing as follows:
"Upon arrival found that position which Van Kleffens (Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs; in London) promised was no longer open here. Have no job and no money. Can your New York man still contact me. Password same. Have found equipment for my transmitter is available in New York. Am looking for suitable bungalow but can't do much without funds. Please hurry. My mailing address is John Gold, P.O. Box 720, New York City."
When no reply was received from the Germans the following cable was sent on April 15, 1944, via the Strecht address:
"Merchandise ordered December 8, last, has not arrived. Cable Hotel Governor Clinton, New York City. Urgent. Greetings.
On July 19, 1944, the first radio message was sent by principles by radio. (K.d.M. Stelle, I suppose in Hamburg or Berlin) (AOB: I tend to consider like the "Kamaradschaftsdienst Marine" a broadcast service regularly transmitted on short-waves; see: P880 P880return and follow the instruction) (or, were they using a W/T set with which they communicated by means of Morse signals?). This message was sent blind and was as follows:
"Communicate immediately by wire to cover addresses whether you hear us by means of confirmation samples received.
Consignment of goods on a safer basis being attempted.
Number one Y."
Since July 19, 1944, the following message sent by the Germans have been intercepted by the F.B.I. Laboratory:
July 21, 1944 Germans repeated the message of July 19, 1944
July 23, 1944 Germans indicated they had traffic for
July 25, 1944 Germans repeated the message of July 19, 1944
July 29, 1944 Germans indicated they had traffic for
July 31, 1944 Germans repeated the message of July 19, 1944
On July 22, 1944, the following cable was sent yo the Augusto Strecht drop address:
"Samples received in good condition. Hope to complete transaction soon."
Since, the Germans repeated the message which they had sent on July 19, 1944 on July 31, 1944 it seemed apparent that they had not received Mr. Goldschmidt's cable of July 22, 1944. Accordingly on July 31, 1944, the following cable was sent to Strecht address:
"Informed you samples received by cable 22nd. Acknowledge receipt."
In view of the fact that Mr. Goldschmidt is notionally (virtually) in the United States, it will obviously blow the case in the event that information reaches the Germans that he is in fact in England. It is therefore desired that the Legal Attaché in London advise immediately what precautions are being taken to ensure that no information emanates from England to the effect that Mr. Goldschmidt is actually there. The matter was discussed with Captain Liddell (M.I.5) upon his recent visit to the Bureau and he stated that he believed complete coverage could be established to handle the matter (legally?).
KV 2/467-1, page 31 (minute 150a)
A certain Dutchman by the name of Mr. Goldschmidt has been writing a number of letters to the Prime Minister (Winston Churchill) and his Secretary which have been passed to the War Office for consideration.
We need not trouble you with details of this case or various complaints which he has made. The Prime Minister's Secretary has merely told him that his letters have been passed to the department concerned, and Mr. Goldschmidt is now pressing for an answer from that department, A?.S/S. has therefore asked us to deal officially with this gentleman, i.e. to send him a reply from the War Office.
As he has had a good many dealings with M.I.5, we think that it would be better for the official War Office letter to go to your department, it seems to us that M.I.1C (S.I.S.) would be the most appropriate branch to send the letter, We have therefore prepared the attached letter and should be very grateful if you would consent (accord) to sign and despatch it.
M.I.5. 10th June, 1944. Sgd. P.R. Barry?
KV 2/467-1, page 30 (minute 150?)
G/12004 (apparently Mr. Goldschmidt's reference-number) 10th June, 1944
I am directed to refer to your letter dated 19th February addressed to the Prime Minister, and your subsequent letters dated 15th and 28th April and 22nd May 1944, addressed to the Prime Minister's Secretary which have been referred to this department.
These letters have received very careful consideration, but it cannot be agreed that you came to the United Kingdom at the request of the British Government or that any "pledge" was given to you by, or on behalf of, the British Government, as suggested in your letter dated 19th February, 1944.
While the offer of your services is much appreciated, it is regretted that it cannot be accepted. I am therefore to suggest that you should place yourself at the disposal of the Royal Netherlands government in London with a view to securing useful employment.
Director of Military Intelligence.
KV 2/467-1, page 32 (minute 135a) AOB: hence of an older date then the two foregoing letter copies, as this minute carries a lower minute/serial number.
Extract from S. of S. BM G.20004 Mr. H.S.
Complaint of treatment by Dutch Authorities
A.P.S. to S. of S.
Mr. Goldschmidt came to this country voluntarily from Lisbon on 17.9.43 in the expectation that after thorough investigation of his story he might be employed by the Americans on certain highly secret work of a special nature. After his case had been thoroughly investigated it was decided that the Americans that Mr. Goldschmidt was not suitable for this special work, and on 3.11.43 he was informed by an officer of this department of the decision which had been reached. Thereafter he has been free to take up such employment as is appropriate to a person of his capabilities and qualifications. No such pledge or assurance as are referred to by Mr. Goldschmidt in paragraph 1, 27 and 32 of his letter to the Prime Minister (Winston Churchill) were at any time given any assurance with regard to his employment by the Dutch authorities other than that, as was the fact, he was available for employment by them if they so desired.
In some other respects Mr. Goldschmidt's letter does not give a correct impression. When by agreement with the Dutch Government he was taken over by the Dutch authorities were told that he had given us valuable information and they were asked to bear this in mind. At the same time we felt bound to inform them of our view that he was a low moral type who sought to live on borrowed money, that he was unreliable and a 'rolling stone'. It is understood that this view is shared by the Dutch authorities and that they regard his conduct at the time of the invasion of Holland as counting to desertion. It appears that he was court-martialled and sentenced in Holland and appealed but left Holland before his appeal was heard. (AOB: thus this occurred before the Germans invaded the Netherlands in May 1940)
He is apparently making little or no endeavour to obtain useful employment despite the assistance offered by the Dutch Ministry of Labour and it is not considered that this is a case in which the Prime Minister would properly be advised to intervene.
M.I.5. 2 Mar 44 Captain ???
KV 2/467-1, page 33 (minute 119a)
PF 65926/E1A/S (E1A = Foreign Office?) 3rd February 1944
With reference to my letter of 8.1.1944 and our recent telephone conversation, we have now heard from the Home Office who feel that our letter does not really give them sufficient grounds to justify the imposition?? of the reconstructions which we recommended.
It must now be considered whether it is possible to particularise the grounds for saying that Mr. Goldschmidt is an undesirable person for Public Order reasons - I very much doubt whether this can be done and it would seem that the only practical solution is to find a suitable job.
E.J. Corin (Foreign Office?)
Major R.P.J. Derksema, (head of the Dutch Security)
22 Eaton Square,
KV 2/467-1 page 34 (minute 105)
The first two words at the top - are pointing at the source of S.I.S. (M.I.1.c.)
And personal. 8th January, 1944
Mr. Goldschmidt a Dutch Jew born in (Groningen, in the Netherlands) arrived in this country from Lisbon on the 17th September last (1943) and after examination at London Reception Centre was landed on war Refuge conditions on the 24th September.
Mr. Goldschmidt was brought to this country, after consultation between M.I.6 (actually S.I.S.), the Americans, and ourselves (M.I.1c/M.I.6), (Captain Jeffes' V.R. 34040 of 6th July to Mr. Mathews refers) in order that we might have every opportunity of getting from him detailed information about dealings with German Intelligence Service since the occupation of Holland, and also in order that the Americans might make up their minds as to the wisdom of accepting certain offers of cooperation which he had made to them and which if accepted would have involved his travelling to the Western Hemisphere.
While Mr. Goldschmidt's personal character turned out on close observation to be markedly unsatisfactory, it is fair to say that he did give us useful information, and that we have no reason to think that he has attempted to mislead us. However, on the 23rd October 1943 the Americans informed us that they had decided not to employ him (Mr. Goldschmidt), and a few days later we placed Mr. Goldschmidt at the disposal of the Dutch authorities, who were already aware of what had been proposed for him, and whom we then informed of the latest developments.
The Dutch authorities, it now appears, have informed an opinion of Mr. Goldschmidt's character even more unfavourable then that we had formed. In the first place, he was sentenced in Holland, shortly after the German occupation.
KV 2/467-1, page 35b
to three months' imprisonment, which he never served, for desertion in the face of the enemy; and second, he seems to be unfavourably known to a very large number of Dutch subjects in London.
In these circumstances, the Dutch Security Service find it difficult accept Mr. Goldschmidt's explanations of his admitted dealings with the German Intelligence Service, and have written to us proposing with the concurrence of the Netherlands Ministers of Justice and Home Affairs, that he should be detained.
We have had a long talk with Major Derksema, the head of the Dutch Security, about this, and while expressing our sympathy with this point of view and with the recommendation of his government, we have explained that we should feel some difficulty in making the Home Secretary to detain a man whom we had brought here for our own purpose and who, whatever one may think of his character and activities, has not actually let us down. Equally, as it seems to us, we cannot press the Dutch Government to find official employment for a man whom they regard as they regard.
It was finally agreed that I should acquaint you with the position as it stands at present. The Dutch authorities will have nothing to do with Mr. Goldschmidt and he himself wishes to have nothing to do with them. He is without means, except for what the Dutch are allowing him, and it seems important to get him properly settled. We should therefore be most grateful if you would ask the Ministry of labour to see what can be done. It would be a great advantage, since hispresence in London is always a potential source of embarrassment to the Dutch, and indeed to ourselves, if he could be settled in some provincial centre where there is no substantial Dutch Colony →
KV 2/467-1, page 35c
While we cannot say that we have any good reason for thinking that Mr. Goldschmidt, if he saw an opportunity, would actively attempt to assist the enemy, we feel bound to take careful note of the views expressed by Major Derksema. Goldschmidt (name escaped later censorship!) is moreover in possession of information (if only? information as to what he has told us) which would be of great assistance to the enemy, and for these reasons we recommend that an order should be made under Article 11(a) excluding him from Aliens Protected Arms, except with permission, (b) imposing the curfew, and (c) requiring him to report to the police in person once a month.
It is possible that Mr. Goldschmidt who is is unfortunately not an easy man to content, will not be prepared to settle down to earn a living. I have told the Dutch Security Service that if we found his engaging in any sort of subversive activity, or breaking any of the restrictions imposed upon him. we should have no hesitation in recommending his prosecution or detention. As an alternative the Dutch suggested the consideration should be given to his deportation to the Dutch West Indies.
I should be grateful if this latter, of which I am sending a copy to Major Derksema for his personal information and that of the Ministers concerned, could be treated am Most Secret and kept with the papers relating to "Special Cases".
Sgd T.L.S. Hale
KV 2/467-1, page 37a (minute 94a)
B.1.a (Colonel Robertson (TAR)
E1a/F (Foreign Office Alien Section?)
Peasant (= Mr. Goldschmidt).
With Mr. Marschall I met Mr. Goldschmidt this morning at the Regent Palace Hotel in response to a telephone request.
He pointed out to me an article on the front page of the Daily Telegraph of 8.12.43 which stated that priority had been placed on the construction of invasion barges, and that something in the region of 80,000 would be produced in the next few weeks. Mr. Goldschmidt said that he had been told in Hamburg (Ast-X) that both the British and the German Press was employed in large measure for deception, and that he had been advised to pay no attention whatsoever to any reports which appeared in British papers as they, the Germans, were well aware that such reports were prepared as they, the Germans, were well aware that such reports were prepared simply to mislead their information bureaux. Mr. Goldschmidt said that this item of news was a typical example of the sort of thing which he should write in a secret ink letter and which should be suppressed in the daily journals.
I told Mr. Goldschmidt that we did not use the Press for deception as far as I knew, and that almost certainly he had been told this by the enemy because they had become entirely dissatisfied with their own service. They were probably afraid that he would be swayed by British and American conditions, and that the remarks to him had been made in an attempt to off-set this possibility. I said, however, that I would bear his suggestion in mind and pass it on to his American friend when I next saw him.
Mr. Goldschmidt then dwelt at length on the unsatisfactory treatment which he had received from the Dutch, and I told him quite clearly that at the end of his interrogation our responsibility ceased, and that he should in future deal entirely with his Dutch compatriots. I said that we had maintained relations with him simply in order to see that he was advised when his baggage arrived at the residence which we had placed at his disposal while he was working for us, and that I should now be grateful if he would in future only deal with →
KV 2/467-1, page 38b
his Dutch authorities, though of course I did not mind if he rang me or Mr. Marshall at the office if he wanted to see us purely in a non-official capacity. However, we were very busy and I suggested that these telephone calls should be kept to a minimum. He has been told on a previous occasion that he should never ring Rugby Mansions, but that he should always communicate with either Mr. Marshall or myself it he wanted to go there. Now that he has received his baggage there is no reason why he should wish to visit Rugby Mansions.
He did not raise the question of a document from the British Intelligence giving him a recommendation for his good work under interrogation, so I thought that I would do so in order to avoid him ringing me up at a later date and asking for such a document. I told him that we had given the Dutch authorities a full report on his activities, and that they my "Chief" had made his recommendations to the Dutch Security, though I did not know whether this was in writing or whether it was only verbally. Clearly we were not in a position to influence the Dutch in their attitude to him, and it would be quite wrong for us to attempt to do so. I hoped that they would find him a job, but that was entirely a mater for his Dutch authorities and we could give him no assistance whatsoever.
Mr. Goldschmidt said that from time to time he had ideas on the construction of his traffic which was now being undertaken by the Americans, and that he would like to communicate these to us. I told him that I would obtain either an address or a telephone number where he could reach the American authorities, and that any suggestions he should have to make should be communicated to the Americans and not to the British Intelligence.
I made it quite clear to Mr. Goldschmidt that we did not wish to be troubled with him any further in the future, and that we were not able to use any influence whatever on his behalf.
KV 2/467-1, page 39c + 40d
In view of this man's attitude and character I think it most inadvisable that we should give him any document which he can produce, and I do not propose, therefore, to answer the three letters which he has written to us in the last fortnight.
At the interview this morning Mr. Goldschmidt said that he had heard from the Dutch authorities at Eaton Square that his baggage was there ready for collection, and that he intended to go and get it later on today. Mr. Goldschmidt rang me at 3 o'clock and said that he had received his baggage, but that a great deal of it was missing including a blue suit which he wanted rather badly, and that he was at Scotland Yard reporting the theft, but was in rather a difficulty as he did not know where to say the baggage had been delivered and had already given the address at Eaton Square. I told him that frankly this whole affair was nothing to do with me or our department, and that if he was reporting a theft from property he should take it up with the contractors who sent the baggage to this country, Messrs. Gerhard and Hey of Liverpool. It seems to me that we are going to be involved in some trouble here as if Scotland Yard want to make careful enquiries about the baggage they will find out from the contractors at Liverpool that it was delivered to Rugby Mansions and will start making enquiries from the owners of the flat. I will see that Nr. Marshall is informed, so that he can lay on for Scotland Yard representatives to be there if they call.
I have also been telephoned by Mr. ?? of S.I.S. who says that he has received a report from the Dutch Ministry of War that Mr. Goldschmidt has has been seen at large in London, and that the Ministry of War have made enquiries from the Dutch Security concerning this man who deny all knowledge of him. I discussed this with Captain Corin (F.O.), and later ? rang me again and asked me the date the date on which Mr. Goldschmidt was was handed over to the Dutch authorities and with whom we had been dealing. I told Pidcock that Please bear always in mind: that all KV 2/xxxx file series are running in a reversed order; thus with increasing PDF page numbers you are going backwards in time. With the exception of the successions within the minute-sheet series. was delivered to Baron van Moyland at Eaton Square on 2.11.43, and that the case was being handled by Mr. Derksema (Major Derksema head of the Dutch Security). I did not feel that it was my duty to attempt to sort out relations between the Dutch Ministry of War and their Security Service, and I said that all further enquiries from the Dutch M.o.W. concerning Mr. Goldschmidt should be made to Derksema, who was in full possession of the facts about this man.
R.T. Reed (M.I.5 Section B.2.c)
KV 2/467-1, page 41a + 42b (minute 87a)
Copy of letter from Peasant = Mr. Goldschmidt to Mr. R.T. Reed.
Dear Mr. Bannerman (AOB: Mr. Reed's cover-name),
I am sorry I did not meet you today as I had hoped.
I even forgive you for having me left stranded at Eaton Square (The Dutch Military Representation in London). However, it is quite immaterial to me if you knew in advance or not.
Even when Mr. Pinto (Dutch) said that the English had kept me all the time I was in London under observation, I only regretted and still regret that this observation had come to an end.
I don't think anybody could ever set up against the English.
When I had left your chief, Major (T.A.
felt like a boy who had passed his examination. I very seldom have felt as happy
as that day, after that I thought I was entitled to a decent reception by the
Dutch Government. I always knew that I would do and had done some useful
work. I don't think Mr.
ever took the trouble of giving the recondition of British Government through,
as he should have, whatever there may be against me. The reception I had
from Minister van Boeyen was in short as follows: "You are a German agent.
I will consult the Ministry of Justice to see what steps shall be taken against
you. I will investigate."
The only thing I could answer was This is just a damned lie. I never have done anything for the Germans, all I did was to help the Allied cause even if in my case Holland was not directly concerned. Since then I have not seen his Excellency back because he is sick. That I am wild with anger you can imagine. You would be in my place too, and I am getting more angry each day. That is as I know a fault of my character.
I do not know what the Dutch have against me but helping their Allies in which I can see no fault.
There may be of course people in Holland that know for certain or have seen with their own eyes this or that, even if they have not seen anything or know anything. They always know from each other without saying from whom. I have to hold my pen.
I can face and will face any inquiry, even if I would have gone to the States I would have come back just to show them who I am. If it comes to a court-martial, I naturally would like to have the recommendation of the British Government in writing. If your Chief (T.A. Robertson?) would let me have this document I will put it in a safe and show it alone when needed. I would be very thankful for that.
I am sorry to bother you with all this but I see no other way.
I would be very glad to meet you again as I still consider you one of my friends. I do not have many. Very very few, if any at all.
PS. I hope to get my luggage after it has been examined as it should be done.
KV 2/467-1, page 45
TAR = T.A. Robertson B.1.a M.I.5
J.H.M. = J.H. Marriott
Although it is true that Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) has cost us over £150 I hardly think that in view of Land-Lease & the fact that Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) has given us a good deal of information we can reasonably claim all this money from the FBI.
Ri? Ruy? (R.T. Reed?)
KV 2/467-1, page 46 + 47b (minute 78a)
D.B. (a personality of a rather higher standard!)
As you will see from the attached odd bits of paper we have spent on the case of Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) no less than £150 since September 25th. It is argued by some people that, as this case is really one in which the F.B.I. are interested, we should ask them to reimburse us. Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt), you will remember, was brought over here rather at our request, so that we could have the benefit of interrogating him and extracting any information he had to give before sending him wherever the F.B.I. wished him to be employed. This is an argument in favour of standing the racket ourselves.
Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) has, however, been a fair trial as far as we are concerned and had to be sent to Bournemouth for a fortnight, which cost a large sum of money. This, incidentally, was done with the full connivance (responsibility) and knowledge and partly at the request of Thurston. Added to this, if we had dealt with him in the ordinary way of business, with a view to extracting information from him in the normal manner in which this is done at Camp 020 or at the L.R.C., the expenses incurred would I think have been considerably less. However, we might have lost the man's good will - not that he ever had any.
The period during which he was under our control was extended considerably owing to the fact that the F.B.I. were not able to make up their minds where they wanted to employ this man, and it was ultimately decided by Thurston, to whose discretion it was left, that they did not want Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) himself in America but that they would copy his writing and use him notionally (virtually). As you will see from file (minute) 72a*, we are not in any way a party to this, as I gather that Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) could, if he discovered it, bring a fairly formidable action against those people responsible. This, however, is rather beside the point, but what I would like guidance on is the principle as to whether you consider it worth while asking Thurston for the whole or even a part of the sum which we have spent. If you decide against this, I think probably we should keep the account separately, in case at a later date the F.B.I. come forward with a request for funds from us for some service which they have rendered.
B.1.a. 10.11.43 Sgd. T.A. Robertson. (Lt.-Colonel)
* This minute number has not been reproduced in this file series.
I think it is far better that we should pay the sum of £150 and hope that the end shall get a dividend from the F.B.I. I would much rather do this than create a slightly awkward atmosphere by haggling (bargaining) with an Ally. I have spoken D.A. who agrees.
D.B. 11.11.43 Sgd. ??
KV 2/467-1, page 48 (minute 75a)
B.1.a. (Colenel Robertson)
Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt)
An amended copy of the Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) report was handed to the Dutch Security authorities on 2.11.43 by Captain Corin (Foreign Office), and at 3'o'clock on 3.11.43 I collected Mr. Goldschmidt from Rigby Mansions to take him to see Baron van Moyland at 82 Eaton Square. Before leaving I gave him back a number of letters of introduction from firms with whom he had been employed in the U.S.m the papers in connection with his court-martial, various agreements with the Bank in Lisbon in connection with his tramway shares and gold purchases, a letter which had been written from America which was from one of his friends there and the receipts for his baggage which had been given to him in Lisbon.
I left Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) in the hall at Eaton Square and saw Baron van Moyland with Captain Corin (Foreign Office) and Mr. (Major) Pinto (Dutch)*. Pinto said that he had read the report which we had given them, and he had come to the conclusion that Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) was a very poor type. He said that he thought the best way of dealing with him would be to serve on him a court-martial from the Dutch military authorities and put him in prison. I said I thought this was a bit hard, but after all we were now handing him over to the Dutch authorities and what they did with him was really none of our concern (AOB: really?) Pinto said he would arrange for Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) to be escorted to one of their own hostels, where he would be kept incommunicado (not able to communicate), and as Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) had not brought any baggage with him would be allowed to go to Rugby Mansions the next morning at 11 a.m. to collect the rest of his clothing. Captain Corin (F.O.) and I impressed upon van Moyland and Pinto the fact that Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) had still to register with the Dutch Ministry of Labour and the Police, but apart from this no other registration was outstanding. Pinto and van Moyland agreed to see that this was attended to.
B.1.a. 5.11.43 Sgd. R.T. Reed (M.I.5)
KV 2/467-1, page 53 (minute 55a)
Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt)
?? interviewed Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) at Rugby Mansions this morning. The interview was mainly for the purpose of enabling ?? to form his own opinion of the man's character and to decide whether it would be possible to run him as a double agent.?? was introduced as Mr. McDuff.
Most of the questions ?? put to Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) should not be used in person as a double agent in view of his unsatisfactory character, his extreme unreliability and administrative difficulties which would be encountered in having him in the United States. He had already failed to maintain his cover story with people he had met in Bournemouth (Rugby Mansions??), and especially with a young woman who was employed at the Paymaster General's Office of the United States Armed Forces at 18 Grosvenor Square. He has seemingly become very attached to this woman and has already made her a proposal of marriage which she is still considering.
As you know Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) was unable to bring with him to this country the money which was given to him by the German Intelligence. They believed that he would be able to take this money to the United States and with it to purchase the necessary transmitting and receiving apparatus there. In view of the fact that this was not allowed it is clear that Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) would have to obtain some money in the United States before he could set up his (W/T) station. In that event he would have to communicate to the enemy Intelligence by secret ink in the way which he has already described.
KV 2/467-1, page 54b
The main point of using Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) as a double agent in the United States would be for the purpose of seeing who contacts him there to provide him with the necessary funds. It was not considered that he would be of value for deception.
Although both Mr. Goldschmidt and I are against using Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) as a double agent, there are a number of ideas which we considered and which appeared to be attractive.
1. Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) should write a letter here saying that he is going to the United States on the promise of the Dutch giving him a Consulate job when he arrives.
2. He should then be asked to draft the sort of letter he would write in the United States on arrival, saying that his job with the Dutch had not materialised, but in view of his former American business contacts and the fact that the Consulate job with the Dutch was still under consideration, he had been given a job with the Shell Oil Co, or some such concern. This letter, together with the first one which he would write would provide us with a specimen of his handwriting and method of writing in secret ink.
3. Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) should then be told that the project to use him as a double agent had been turned down, and he should be released to the Dutch authorities.
4a. A letter could then be forged, notionally (virtually) written in the United States, saying that he has arrived there and wished →
KV 2/467-1, page 55
to obtain some money to purchase a transmitter. An address should be given where he could be contacted. or where money could be left.
4b. A letter should be written from the united States saying that he has purchased a receiver by putting down a deposit, and that he is waiting their instructions by W/T to enable him to obtain funds to purchase a transmitter.
There is a danger (which we did not consider very great) that the information would get back to the enemy that Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) has not gone to the United States and that he is still in this country. We may have consider telling the Dutch what we have done (have they actually done so?), and it will be essential that Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) should not know that we have written letters in his name.
I am not yet certain of the legal position with regard to using Peasant's (Mr. Goldschmidt's) name and the notional (virtual) address without his permission, but if we can successfully overcome this objection I think that the plan we have suggested might be valuable.
Mr. Goldschmidt's is coming here on Monday morning to discuss this proposal with us.,
B.1.a. 23.10.43 for R.W.? Reed
KV 2/467-1, page 57 (minute 33b)
From Mr. Reed, B.1.a. To Mr. B.1.a
Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt)
Colonel Robertson agreed that Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) may be paid a salary of £10 a week in advance plus his accommodation expenses from 25th September, 1943.
1.10.43 Sgd. R.T Reed
KV 2/467-1, page 58 (minute 31a)
Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt). 30th September 1943.
During an interview today the following points were explained. If after establishing contact, there was any fault in the transmitter Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) would send a short message addressed to PHL (abrevtation for Pahl) asking him for his opinion. Paul would then listen to the transmission, if possible diagnose the fault and send his instruction. (AOB: myself being a HAM since 1961, thus not directly lacking experience, this procedure is great nonsense! Because most faults occur - that the transmitter doesn't work (functions) at all) Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) has great faith in Pahl as a radio expert and believes that he was a radio amateur transmitter in piece time as Pahl told Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) that he used to be in communication with Australia, Japan etc. quite regularly. Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) says that Pahl had a large radio business in Hamburg previously and has been bankrupt about three times (AOB: I went carefully through the DASD call-sign list of early 1937, as well as of 1941, and didn't come across the name of Pahl either (https://www.cdvandt.org/DASD%20Rufzeichen%20Li%20m%20upgrade.pdf) . There are, however, two options: first Mr. Pahl possessed a so-called "DE Genehmigung", which allowed him possessing a short-wave wireless set and gave him the possibility as to transmit, under supervision in the local DASD Club-station; another option, is: that Pahl was an alias name, and thus not as such in the current call-sign list).
KV 467-1, page 59b
Radio ability + Construction Training.
I (G.R. Lee) had an interview lasting about 5 hours with Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) today during which I was able to acquaint myself with various matters relative to the radio side of the case. He was very cooperative and helpful and extremely anxious to impart what information he could; so much so, that he got rather excited and one had to be careful that he did not contradict himself on occasions.
Training and Experience. Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) seems to have quite a fair knowledge of the elementary principles of electricity which I believe he gained as a result of experience in the Dutch armed forces in peice-time when he was serving in some capacity connected with radio. On some points he seems rather hazy but they soon come back to him when he is remind of them. He had about four months special training before commencing his present job and during this time he received special instruction in the construction and operation of a suitable radio transmitter. His first constructional job consisted of dismantling and rebuilding what the calls a "transformer", which is actually, I believe, a complete power-supply suitable for the transmitter he intends to use (build). Later he built four versions of the transmitter, the circuit of which is shown in the photograph, three times using American valves and once using German valves of similar types. After having built these transmitters he was allowed to test them out on the air from Hopfenbach to stations at Paris and Copenhagen.
KV 2/467-1, page 60c
During these tests the frequencies used were in the vicinity of 7000/8000 kHz. The receivers used during these test were always commercial super-het, types adapted for the reception of CW (Morse) signals. Two aerials were always employed so that "Break-in" operation was the rule (AOB: also known as B-K; the German Abwehr employed quite many radio amateurs HAM or "DE" licensed. B-K meant that two frequencies were involved, some practice hardly used in England; though highly profitable, as when the at that moment receiving side could inform the counter station that something went wrong. Rudolf Staritz told me, that when he knew the operator at the counter-side he only gave a single dot and his friend on the other end of the line went say five block (5 x 5 characters) backwards and retransmitted these and then continued his transmission. A second advantage: The Abwehr stations operated mainly powerful transmitters and were quite easy to monitor by, for example, R.S.S.; whereas, spy sets operated with relative low transmitting power and were more difficult to trace as the frequency difference between those two stations varied un-uniform). (notice also Q890 and Q890 return) Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) was told, however, that for security reasons it would only be possible to have one (single) aerial in the USA and in this case "Break-in" operation could not be used. He points out, however, that it might be possible to have two aerials in the Argentine (being a neutral country) without arousing undue suspicion and, if this were the case, he would write a letter explaining the position and advising that "Break-in" was possible.
It would appear that all through his period of training Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) had the idea firmly in his mind that, as soon as he contacted the Allied authorities, he would receive all the assistance he required for the construction and operation of his transmitter etc. and he, therefore, did not pay as much attention to the details as he might have done. It seem to me that for a man of average intelligence, the course of instruction given should be sufficient to enable the transmitter etc. to be constructed and operated; but not to think that Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) would be able to do this un-assisted as he has obviously either not paid sufficient attention to the instructions, or else has a very short memory - I suspect the former reason,
Operating ability. I gave Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) a morse test and found that he was able to read quite well at about 40 letters (characters) per minute (eight words per minute) (in groups of five) and to send at about 75 letters (15 words per minutes, which I consider isn't a poor achievement) in groups of five. He has one fault, however, and that is his tendency to confuse certain letters with their opposite in morse formation. For example he frequently confuses "Q" with "Y", which seems to suggest that he has been taught by the method of memorising groups of "opposites". (AOB: they weren't in those days aware of "dyslectics"; which nowadays is even at University level a ground for particular considerations). His characterisation of morse letters is quite good although he has a tendency to try to send faster than 75 letters per minute when his code becomes rather difficult to read. He has a list of more important groups in the (international) "Q" Code which which include all those likely to be needed; although he has not committed the to memory, he can recall quite a number of them "of hand". He does not have any punctuations signs to use other than "question mar"( (.. - ..) and the "long-break" sign (- ...-); he appears to use the latter to separate "Q" signals from each other and in several other places were a "full stop" might ordinarily be used. His procedure on starting up transmission would be to send his call-sign for "five or ten minutes" followed by "K". Then if Hamburg (= "Domäne" situated at Hamburg Wohldorf) had heard him they would call their call-sign for five or ten minutes followed by a report (in QSA 1 ..5) of his signals. and advise him if they had any telegrams to send (QTC 1 or 2 etc). Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) would then report on the strength of Hamburg's signals and, if they had any telegrams to send, he would send "QRV" (regularly this would have been acknowledged by "K" (-.-) - meaning a briefed: "I am ready". Hamburg would then send their message to him/ If they had no telegram for him but Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) had a message for Hamburg, he would sent QTC 1 or 2 (as the case may be) - whereupon they would reply that they were ready (using the letter "K"), in the same way. This follows the usual procedure adopted. Peasant (Mr. Goldschmidt) states that when under tuition they used to →
KV 2/467-1, page 62d
such terms as GM, GN (Guten Morgen,
they likely exchanged
pse 73 and closing with SK
(... .-.), as
communications were often commenced in the HAM like way.
Albeit, this wasn't
and generally maintained during the duration of the entire World War)
Please digest, in the meantime, the rather unique, collected, document, of 1945:
This latter document had been published, internally, shortly after the termination of the hostilities in Western Europe, on the 8th of May 1945.
(3) (7 November 2022)
KV 2/467-1, page 69 (minute 25k?)
Index to Appendices
AOB: I would like to show you the list of subjects dealt with.
This will not imply, that all have escape foregoing weeding processes.
But, some will, nevertheless, have survived disposes.
KV 2/467-2, page 2
Actual nationality. Dutch Jew. Wouldn't have been appropriate to notice also Mr. Goldschmidt's first name? according KV 2/467-3, page 29: His first name is: Helmut Siegfried.
Born. 3 Jan. 1895 Groningen Holland.
Occupation. Reserve officer; business man; legal training.
Religion. Episcopal with theosophist tendencies.
Family are Orthodox Jews. (this aspect have to be dealt with later)
Languages. German, Dutch, English, Spanish, little French.
Father. Siegfried, died 1909 in Wiesbaden.
Profession - independent. May have been German by birth and then naturalised Dutch. Mr. Goldschmidt's grandfather was certainly German by birth, naturalised Dutch.
Mother. Hedwig Neuburger German. died 1915 in Munich.
Step-father. Gustaf Blum. German Jew. Profession retired Judge. Married in ? 1910
Last known address -Sinzenauerstrasse 2, München.
Brothers. 1. Herbert, born ? 1896 Nationality German Orthodox Jew. Believed to be in the United States.
2. Heinz born circa 1908. German Jew.
Last permanent address. Kerkpad Zuide 105, Soest, Holland.
Documents. 1. Dutch Passport No. 332489 issued Amsterdam 11 Mar. 1937, renewed Lisbon 11 June 1943. Contains also Passport No. 471334 issued Breda 1 Dec. 1931.
(Note: this passport is, Mr. Goldschmidt states, genuine and was instructed to travel on it by the Ast Hamburg especially as it contains no German visas.)
Document confirming trial for desertion from Dutch Army on 14 May 1940 (mentioned in later report (AOB: as was done somewhere previously)
Date and port of Embarkation 16 Sept. 1943 Lisbon
Date and port of Arrival 17 Sept 1943. Bristol (Whitchurch?) (Whitechurch?)
Aerodrome ex: "Plane G-AGBD.
Date of aarival at R.V.P.S. 17 Sept. 1943.
1. Early Life.
1. At the beginning of the interrogation Mr. Goldschmidt gave a different version of some of the above particulars. There was no mention of any of his family being German. He stated that he had last seen his brother in München in 1919 and had had no news of them since, as they had quarrelled. He mad no mention either of his Jewish origin and gave a different version of his life up to 1914; this account was intended to suppose his family's German connections and his own Jewish origin. At the end of the interview he was challenged and the present story was then arrived at. He also made a number of other amendments to the activities in the years between the wars. It is emphasised that the admissions, apart from those mentioned above, were of an entirely moral nature reflecting on his character and not on his connections.
KV 2/467-2, page 3
2. His early childhood was spent in Groningen, where his grandfather, who, as far as he knows, was cattle-dealer and had made a great deal of money in 1870, he bought some land. When the grandfather retired he lived in Amsterdam. This land was later sold. Mr. Goldschmidt states that Van Loon, who is at the moment attached to the Dutch Legation in Lisbon, knew him well during this period and that on Mr. Goldschmidt's arrival in Lisbon, recognised him.
3. At the age of 9 he went to the Gymnasium Wiesbaden (AOB: a Gymnasium in Anglo-Saxon life is being associated with sports, but, in contrast, a Gymnasium on the Continent implies the highest degree of education including Latin and Greek languages allowing their graduates to attend University including medicine studies (A-Level), where he remained until he was 18. At 14, and under the influence of his teacher, professor Spahmte?, he renounced the Jewish religion (incidentally, on the grounds that it is better to be a member of a majority). This, apparently, led to a breach with his parents, who continued to pay the schooling, but would otherwise appear to have disowned him. For the last 4 years in Wiesbaden he lodged with Pastor Vessemeyer, who had baptised him.
4. From Wiesbaden he went to München, where his step-father was living. The latter, apparently, applied pressure to try and make, Mr. Goldschmidt take his own nationality.
5. Mr. Goldschmidt received support from the Dutch Consul, Maschmayer (?) and a settlement was arrived at. There was a great deal of difficulty with his financial position. He seems to have been disinherited? by both his mother and step-father. There was some talk of his brothers sharing the inheritance and it turned out to be their power to refuse to do so. This breach was never healed.
6. He appears to be generally uncertain as to his brothers' movements. During the 1914/18 (First World War episode) Herbert served with the German Army; Heinz was too young, but did live in Germany, probably in Würzburg, where they owned a factory. Thereafter they were certainly in Brazil and Amsterdam. For some considerable period they kept a drug-store (Drogerie) in Vienna, which they abandoned on the Nazi occupation of the City (Springtime 1938) Shortly afterwards, Herbert left for the united States and Heinz settled in Amsterdam, where he was living with a cousin, a lawyer, Michael de Jong, aged 48, of Amsterdam. His wife, nee Bosnac, was a blood relation of Mr. Goldschmidt. De Jong, who with his wife cordially detests Mr. Goldschmidt for reasons unspecified, is director of a shipping company, Scheepvaart Vereniging Noord. Both de Jong and Heinz Goldschmidt are believed to have reached the UUnited Kingdom in May 1940. No further information is available.
7. During 8 months in Münich he made the acquaintance of Frances Desberger? of Detroit, U.S.A., whom he later met in 1939 when she was married to Bobby Lorents (Lorentz, or Lorenz?) This man, an investment banker living in the United Kingdom, has since changed his name to Lorenz. They are believed to live in Hammersmith Road, London.
United Kingdom - 1913.
8. He then left for the United Kingdom, arriving in April (?) 1913 and becoming a non-college student at Oxford.
KV 2/467-2, page 4
9. A year later he travelled to The Hague (Den Haag / 's Gravenhage), having decided to join the Dutch Army, He made the acquaintance of Lignac of the Dutch War Office department dealing with officers of the reserve. Lignac advised him to obtain a birth certificate from Groningen and a declaration of nationality. With these he enlisted as an 'Adspirant Kornet'.
10. At the time his Dutch was so poor (his main language was still German) that he had to take lessons.
11. He was actually enrolled shortly after the invasion of Belgium in 1914 and served in Breda, being appointed 2nd Lieutenant and posted to the 3rd regiment of Husars in 1916. After the war his Colonel, Van Heemstre ? helped his financial position by not getting him demobilised for a years. During this time Mr. Goldschmidt studied law at Leiden.
12. He was demobilised towards the end of 1919 and therefore lived on money - some 50,000 Marks - obtained by negotiation with his step-father and brothers.
Münich (München) The Hague. 1919 - 1923.
13. To carry this out he travelled to Münich (München) and was helped by his uncle, Josef Mr. Goldschmidt with who he quarrelled almost immediately afterwards (reason that he went away from the Jewish believe).
Josef Mr. Goldschmidt is described as being very pro-German.
14. The money obtained being in German Marks and, as such, comparatively speaking, worthless, he made them over to M. Hartogs, director of ENKA (Kunstzijde Unie) factory Arnhem (Ede?). When in Praia, Portugal, in 1943, Mr. Goldschmidt was informed by Van Zeeland that Mrs. Hartogs? was in the United Kingdom. Hartog(s)? in return financed Mr. Goldschmidt studies until the collapse of the Mark (1922-23), when Mr. Goldschmidt received further aid from Budsing (Budding?) of the Witte Societeit, The Hague. This was in return for the making over of Mr. Goldschmidt 300 guilders a year, which he received as a reserve officer.
15. The ensuring debts have had a very considerable influence on his life ever since, and he states that he still owes Budsing (Budding?) some 1,200 guilders. To pay back his debts to Budsing, he then, in 1923, applied successfully for employment by the Government in the Dutch Indies.
Dutch East Indies. 1924 - 1926.
16. After training in Holland he was sent to Batavia (now Jakarta) at the beginning of 1924, and remained 3 years employed in the financial department, where he made the acquaintance of Piet Idenburg, head of the Department of Education, who now holds an important position in the Far East and who Mr. Goldschmidt claims, is a close friend.
17. After 3 years his health broke down and he decided to try the United States. However, his fare was paid by the Dutch Government to Holland and not to the States, and he accordingly returned, having previously obtained an immigrant's visa for the United States from the Consul in Batavia, Kuykendal.
Holland - U.S.A. 1927 - 1929
18. Back in Holland he received 600 or 700 dollars on a mortgage held in Wiesbaden. On the strength of this, he left for the United States. his visa being renewed in Holland.
19. He has in his property a letter from the Shell Petroleum Corporation Tulsa, Oklahoma, dated 11 May 1929, stating that he was employed by this company "for about 2 years as advisory representative and contact man for the Western division".
20. Leaving the Shell employ in 1929, he met a Frenchman, Guy M. Martinet, a geologist, of 4 rue des Ternes, Paris. Martinet was about to found a company and wished to return to Paris, but could not finance the trip. This →
KV 2/467-2, page 5
arranged, inducing L.G. (?) Blogett, whom he had met when living in 24th Street, Tulsa, Oklahoma, now living in Euston, Texas, to finance the expedition. The resultant companies, Teburox Export Coy. and the Anticlinal Royalty Coy. were comparatively short-lived. Mr. Goldschmidt last heard of Martinet in 1938 when he was living in a small farm in Clairmore, Oklahoma.
London - The Hague. 1929.
21. After a quarrel (which seems to have terminated most of his jobs) with Martinet, he left the United States, Martinet paying his fare home. He returned via London and called on Denis Nettleton, previously in Tulsa, Oklahoma, where Mr. Goldschmidt made his acquaintance. Nettleton has now changed his name by deed-poll to King Marlow. He is now in the United Kingdom, having served as a ambulance officer attached to General Gort's headquarters in France and Mr. Goldschmidt quotes him as a reference.
22. He arrived back in The Hague penniless. He approached Lignac and applied to go back to the Army. As a reserve officer he was due to do 6 weeks training.
Air Force. 1930
23. He was sent to Breda and managed to transfer to the (Dutch) Air Force at Soesterberg. Contacts who helped him were:-
1) Major Baron van Voorst tot Voorst
2) Colonel van Santen.
24. He was appointed full (1st) Lieutenant and underwent training in mapping, photography and W/T. He rates his speed in receiving at this time as roughly 12 words a minutes (tempo 60). He served under Lt.-Col. Seegers, now in the United kingdom, and, incredibly enough, managed to save 300 Dutch guilders.
25. At this time he became engaged to Johanna Stuy, whose family lived in Baarn. As they were intending to get married shortly, Mr. Goldschmidt rented half the house owned by Mrs. Haverkamp, an old lady of 63, a painter (Schilderes); the house was at Kerkpad Zuide 105, Soest. The furniture was supplied by his finance. Owing to Mr. Goldschmidt contacting one of his numerous American female acquaintances who happened to be in Europe at the time, the engagement was broken off he was left with a house but no furniture.
26. This started his long association with Mrs. Haverkamp, which continued until the end of 1942, when he left for Hamburg. In spite of frequent occasions on which she told him he would have to go, she apparently put up with him remarkable fortitude, especially when it is remembered that during the occupation of Holland he earned no money. He did, however, pay her some 200 guilders when he left for Hamburg at the end of 1942.
27. In October or November 1932 he finished his service at Soesterberg, but continued to live in Soest.
First Introduction to Janssen. 1933.
28. During his engagement he had made the acquaintance of a married cousin of Stuy. This man, Jack Fortuyn, was an accountant living in Wilhelminasingel, Utrecht. His wife was a dentist. This man, a Dutchman, did business with Mathias Janssen, German living at 24 Hindenburgstrasse, Goch. Janssen was an architect of some standing who had built well over 1,000 houses. Fortuyn and Janssen were considering floating a company which was to use an invention of Janssen's with which it was hoped to recover the Lutine gold. Naturally, this scheme instantly appealed to Mr. Goldschmidt and he managed to get the other two to accept him as partner, it being his assignment to come to London amd contact the chairman of Lloyds and other officials.
KV 2/467-2, page 6
29. The first journey, according to his passport, was made on the 4 Feb 1933, when he contacted a number of persons connected with the deal. he also called at king Farlow, who was at that time working in the Asiatic Petroleum company. He gave me his usual details of girls known and even remembered the telephone number of one, Iris Tery, Royden (Essex) 72. He also called with an introduction from Mrs. Haverkamp on Dr. Lousada, a solicitor, living Philmore Gardens, London.
30. He paid, in all, four visits to the United Kingdom in 1933, two in connection with the Lutine gold, one for an oil company - details forgotten - and one purely private visit. The dates of these visits are in his passport. After his second visit, which was as unsuccessful as the first, Fortuyn and Janssen decided that he was more interested in his social and feminine contacts than the business in hand and the partnership was violently dissolved.
1934 - 1937.
31. He is not entirely certain of the chonological order of his moments during the next 4 years. It was either now or later, in 1936, that he spent 4 months in the office of a lawyerm Van Ryn (or Rhyn), Hengeloo, in an attempts to polish up his knowledge of law. He was, however, told that he was wasting his time and that he would never make a lawyer.
32. He next borrowed some money from an old friend, Baron Piet Six, reserve cavalry officer, former secretary to the Netherlands United States Chamber of commerce in Amsterdam/ He first stated that with the thousand guilders given him by Six, he was going to find work in the United States; later, however, he produced a more characteristic version, which was that he suddenly decided to marry an heiress whom he had met during his first visit in the States. This woman was Kathleen De Fuy, to whom he has written while in Lisbon in 1943. Her present address is RM3/C, U,S.N.R. Ship's Co., Wave Bks.,. 60 USNATTO, Memphis 1o, U.S.A. However, on arrival in the States in May 1935, he found that Miss De Fuy's affections were already engaged.
33. After 2 or 3 months Oklahoma Mr. Goldschmidt continued to Batavia via Japan, paying his passage with the remainder of the money given him by Six. In the Indies he once more called on Idenburg (Idenburgh?). Again his health gave away and he was sent back to Amsterdam, where he arrived at the beginning of 1936.
34. Obtaining a little more money from Six, he returned to Mrs. Haverkamp in Soest, where he remained for a month before starting work again.
35. There followed 30 days' training at Soesterberg with the (Dutch) Air Force and then a job with the Fokker Aircraft Company, Amsterdam, which he obtained by personal application without any introduction. He became friendly with the director, van Tyen(?), Dutch, his secretary Vos, and Wim van Nyenhoff secretary to the company. The latter had formerly been working in the diamond trade and, on leaving Fokker Company, shortly afterwards returned to the same (diamond) business. Mr. Goldschmidt heard from his (van Nyenhoff's) brother in Amsterdam that he is now in the same trade in the U.S.A., probably in New York. Mr. Goldschmidt was engaged by the Fokker Company on the strength of his contacts with Dutch Air Force personnel, notably Captain, now Colonel van Heist, a Dutchman. This man was during the war head of the "inspection branch" of the Dutch Air Force and has since become an ardent National Socialist. A further contact was Seegers, who was in charge of the armament of aircraft.
36. After 6 or 7 months' work, contracts having been placed for (Fokker type D 21 and C 10s he was, he claims, thrown out of work.
37. He next found employment with the International Handelsconsortium, a firm holding agencies for European machine tractors (contractors?), etc., exporters, and after working in the office as assistant secretary, he was sent to Colombia, South America, where he worked under Kooyker, British Boer from South Africa. The date of his arrival, according his passport, is the 10 Junem 1938, of his departure 10 Oct. 1938. He left owing to disagreements with Kooyker, who had him recalled.
KV 2/467-2, page 8
38. During this period he made a number of connections which were, of course, of considerable interest to the Germans. These are the subjects of special Look-ups. His acquaintance in the case of all the men seen to have been slight. The German of Colombian origin, Gerdts (Geerts?), was, from the Abwehr's point of viewm obviously the most important since he was appointed harbour master of Barranquilla, the new Colombian port, which has increased in importance since the entry of the United States in to the war.
On his return to Amsterdam he had a scheme for starting a South American agency
which was short-lived. He saw van Neyenhoff, who introduced him to a friend
Siegfried Granaat (
Granaate), with unfavourable traces in our
registry). This man, whom he does not consider have been a good business man,
was formerly connected with the diamond trade. Granaat was at the time in
contact with Fiat in Italy and was hoping to arrange a contract between the
approached Lt.-Col. Hartmann (Hartman?) of the of the Dutch War Office in The
Hague. The deal however, was not, so far as he knows, concluded.
approached Seegers and van Hest, both mentioned above.
40. Mr. Goldschmidt was hoping to establish contact between Fiat and the Colombian Government. However, this scheme was never even worked out, Granaat being more interested in the European angle. It is interfered from the traces that Granaat is in the United Kingdom, information which confirms, saying that he escaped from Holland on the 14 May, 1940. Collaboration with Granaat was terminated by what Mr. Goldschmidt calls, an attempt on Granaat's part to cut him out.
Mobilisation, April 1939.
41. Mr. Goldschmidt was the unemployed until the 10th Apr. 1939; when he was mobilised and posted to Schiphol, Amsterdam aerodrome. He was not demobilised until the 25 (?) May 1940. Through his connections with the Fokker Aircraft Co. he knew Seekatz, who is incorrectly described in our records as Dutch. Mr. Goldschmidt who is well-acquainted with Fokker's Dutch Personnel, is definite in stating that there is only one member of the firm called Seekatz. he confirms that Seekatz is a friend of Goering (Hermann Göring) and claims to have been offered an introduction to Goering himself. Seekatz, who is now director of the company, was formerly sales manager. He was obviously au fait with German plans and told Mr. Goldschmidt that not only would Holland be invaded but that resistance would be crushed within 24 hours. Mr. Goldschmidt promptly this information on to a Captain in G.S.3. (Generale Staf Section III, was the Counter-Intelligence Section) at The Hague. https://nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/GS_III ; He was asked to obtain further possible information, but was not successful. He cannot, unfortunately, remember the name of the Captain.
42. On account of his age he was told that he would get no further promotion in the Air Force and accordingly decided to apply for a transfer He later produced a more plausible reason, that his superiors were only too anxious to get rid of him. he had apparently a reputation for being pro-English. (The Netherlands maintained strict neutrality)
43. He was accordingly transferred on 1 May 1940 to the 4th Regiment of Cavalry as a Captain. He was posted at Ede. His unit went into action on the 10 May and on 13 May retreated to Utrecht. On the way he had a fellow-officer, Lieut. H.H. Brandt, living in Heemstede, became separated from the concoy and decided that further resistance being out of the question, they would make their way to the United kingdom.
44. They proceeded to The Hague to obtain news of the whereabouts of their unit and also of any possible method to escape. Being unsuccessful, they continued to De Zilk?? Airport in the hope that an Air Force officer, Lt. Schouw, would be able to help them. This having failed, they tried to get away from IJmuiden by boat. Here Mr. Goldschmidt met van Tyen? (van Tijen?).
45. Everything having failed and having heard in Utrecht of the whereabouts of his unit from Lt.-Col. Labouchère in The Hague, he reported back to Utrecht. He was informed by Major Kruif, whom he accuses of being pro-German and who was later Battalion Commander in the Opbouwdienst (https://nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nederlandse_Opbouwdienst), that there would be an enquiry into his conduct. The Colonel, however, was not entirely →
I would like to skip some which actually being only acquaintances.
KV 2/467-2, page 14
IV. Introduction to Schmidt, Münster.
66. At the beginning of October 1941 Mr. Goldschmidt received the document. now in his property, dated 4.10.41 which stated that he was to be tried in the near future for being concerned in conspiracy by two people to desert from the Dutch Army on 14.5.40/
67. Since his return to Soest (living together with Mrs Haverkamp?) he been living quietly at home. Shortly after the receipt of the document he saw Janssen who came to Goch and was told of the development. Towards the end of November or beginning of December 1941 Janssen told him to be in Nijmegen 2nd class waiting room at 11 a..m. They accordingly met here and Janssen stated that there was a high officer in Münster who was interested in Mr. Goldschmidt.
68. Janssen then took him back to Goch by car, which was not marked with any official signs. They crossed the frontier at Beek where Janssen did not show any passes; he was obviously well known. Jansen spoke to the Customs Inspector Vieauff.
69. Mr. Goldschmidt heard Jansen tell Vieauff that Fortuyn was no longer to be allowed to cross the frontier. No further details available.
70. When contacting Janssen Mr. Goldschmidt was told to do so through Vieauff whom he phoned and who in turn phoned Janssen. He believes that Janssen's phone number in Goch was Goch 396. For correspondence he was told to write o Hans or Hannes Wijes Siebengewald, Linburg, enclosing a letter for Janssen. The purpose of this was, of course, to avoid censorship. Wijes whose phone number he believes to have been Siebengewald 6, was a car dealer.
71. After spending the night in Janssen's house in Goch he was taken to Münster the next day. During the morning Janssen called to see Schmidt in his office which was in a barracks. These were in a large Platz which contained two separate barracks. Schmidt's offices were in the barracks nearest to the Platz on a town plan of Münster.) Janssen arranged with Schmidt for a meeting at lunch which took place in the Rathauskeller.
72. During the morning Janssen met a friend a German who had been in Baghdad a number of times, to whom he introduced Mr. Goldschmidt saying that the latter would probably be going to South America. The man, whose name is forgotten, stated that he would not be easy. Mr. Goldschmidt described this man.
73. Mr. Goldschmidt was introduced at lunch to Major Dr. Schmidt. He was, according to Janssen Sammlungsoffizier which phrase Mr. Goldschmidt interprets as Chief Intelligence Officer in charge of the collection of information for Münster area. He had studied Chinese and had been in that country. This Mr. Goldschmidt learned in the course of the conversation.
74. After a magnificent lunch it was explained by both Schmidt and Janssen that the Germans wished to built up an organisation (in) the Panama Zone which was to collect chiefly economic information. This was the only light which was thrown on Mr. Goldschmidt intended mission, the rest of the time being taken up in a review of his own background. Schmidt did not appear to take to Mr. Goldschmidt and said that they did not know about his real sentiments, an obvious surprising remark. Mr. Goldschmidt attributes Schmidt's dislike of him to the fact that during the broadcast of the news he, Mr. Goldschmidt half smiled at the fact that during the announcement that Hamburg had been bombed. Mr. Goldschmidt is quite certain that so further topics of interest were mentioned.
75. After lunch Mrs. Schmidt arrived and Mr. Goldschmidt was handed over to her care while Janssen went to the military barracks to get a tyre changed, He was taken to Schmidt's house, address forgotten, where he met the two daughter aged eight and twelve. The same evening he was taken back to Nijmegen in Janssen's car and thence continued to Soest by train.
KV 2/467-2, page 15
76. He was to be told about the job later; this did not happen for some weeks when Jansen called on him in Soest and told him that Schmidt had no work for him. There apparently enough Germans already in that neighbourhood.
77. Mr. Goldschmidt then raised the question of the gold. He believes that it may have been at this juncture that he wrote to Ratsbeck and Hendrich. He kept talking of the gold in the hope Janssen would believe him to be sincerely collaborating. His argument seems to have been that if Janssen was certain Mr. Goldschmidt whished to work with him after the war, it would imply that he had been sincere up to that time.
78. At that time of the Münster trip he was given 5 guilders to pay his fare. During one of his visits to Soest Janssen also gave him 20 guilders.
Introduction to Meier of Wilhelmshaven.
79. Jansen enquired into Mr. Goldschmidt's financial position and stated that work might be found for him in Holland itself. Towards the end of 1941, he cannot fix the date, he got a letter or telegraph telling him to stay at home as Janssen was coming to see him. Janssen arrived with Meier. This man was a lawyer (Rechtsanwalt und Notar), living and working in Wilhelmshaven. He was a Reserve Naval Officer and Chief of the Rüstungüberwachungsdienst. controlling the coast between, Mr. Goldschmidt believes, the German border and the Zuiderzee. He also had one office in Groningen, the telephone number of which Mr. Goldschmidt believes to be 265, and another in Delfszijl. He told Mr. Goldschmidt that occasionally sent men to England by boat and said he might send himself, after he had worked for them in Holland. He was introduced to Mrs. Haverkamp and seemed to be genuinely interested in art. ( Note: it will be remembered that Mrs. Haverkamp was a painter.)
80. More concrete proposals were made than in the previous interview with Schmidt; the proposition was that, as an ex-officer, he should worked in Holland and report on the attitude of other Dutch officers. He was to receive an excellent salary, nothing was specified, and to be appointed salesman to one of the many companies which the Germans controlled. The accusation of desertion was mentioned and Mr. Goldschmidt was told that he would have nothing to fear so soon as he "linked up with us".
82. On the following day Mr. Goldschmidt wrote to Janssen via Wijes saying that he would not accept the offer. A week later he received a letter from Janssen telling him he was behaving stupidly. Mr. Goldschmidt claims that this letter, with several others, has remained with Mrs. Haverkamp.
V. Further attempts to Escape.
82. Deciding that his negotiation with the germans were not likely to lead to anything, he again considered the possibility of leaving Holland without having taken any very drastic decision.
83. He quoted Kramer, obviously identical with Johan H. Doorn @ Kramer mentioned in Linzel's report, but states oddly enough that this man was a paper merchant. This point was elaborated and there was no possibility of meaning 'journalist'. Kramer was, according to Mr. Goldschmidt associated with Linzel is some organisation activities. Another colleague of Linzel was van Koningsbergen. Mr. Goldschmidt confirms that this man later disappeared and that →
KV 2/467-1, page 16
AOB: I have to apologise for the rather poor quality of some of the copies
he was being looked for by the G.S.P. (German Secret Police?; which would imply GFP or Sipo - SD.)
85. He knew a man, name forgotten, who has not yet been identified, a Sergeant Major living in Soesterbergsche Straatweg 7 (Soesterbergsstraatweg), who had a cousin in Amersfoort. This man and his cousin were thinking of escaping. In early 1942 Mr. Goldschmidt stated that if a boat could be found he could probably get van Koningsbruggen to transport it to the coast? Van Koningsbruggen, whom Linzel describes as being a member of the Centrale Crisisdienst Controle, as such had access to a lorry.
86. Mr. Goldschmidt approached van Koningsbruggen who arranged for Linzel to go and inspect a boat which was under consideration. The inspection ?, however, proved the boat to be unsuitable (Examiner's note: it is remotely possible that the incident may be refered to in Linzel's report.)
87. On occasion Mr. Goldschmidt helped Linzel in the circulation of tracks. This accords with what we know of Linzel's activities at this time, i.e. early 1942.
88. When asked why he did not collaborates more actively which people whom he knew to be working against the Germans, he stated that he was throughout extremely conscious of his Jewish origin and bore in mind the fact that Holland was riddled with traitors and that he did not hear of a single organisation which lasted for longer than six months.
89. He was also asked why he made no serious attempts to find work. He quoted three attempts made in 1940 when he approached:-
1) the Department of Economische Zaken
2) the Insurance Company de Nederlanden 1848
3) the Secretariat of the Opbouw, where he got in touch with Dr. Rengels??, a friend of Captain Seegers, is now in the U.K.
All these three happened in 1940. Thereafter he had to be extremely careful as he had not registered as a Jew. (This might clear-up the fact that he moved freely during the time he lived in Occupied Netherlands)
90. About this time he made an expose on the possibility of finding gold in Colombia which he posted to Janssen who, when thanking him, sent him 10 guilders (then about £1).
91. In April 1942, while in Amsterdam for the day, he met in the Kalverstraat van Viwyhe with a girl. Van Viwyhe? told him that the (Sipo-SD) had arrested his wife but that he himself had managed to escape and was hiding (but walking in the Kalverstraat, then the most prominent shopping street of Amsterdam?!). He had arranged a boat party which could be able to leave and in which Mr. Goldschmidt would be included if he could pay 500 guilders (say ca. £50).
92. They arranged to meet the following day when Mr. Goldschmidt took Viwyhe to see Storm, the banker, the idea being that unless Van Vimyhe vouched for the motives, Storm would not lend Mr. Goldschmidt any more money. Having obtained the money from Storm ?, it was handed over to van Viwyhe?. A meeting was arranged for several days later and on this occasion van Vimyhe stated that everything had gone wrong and that two men had been shot. (a big lie?).
93. Mr. Goldschmidt did not get Storm ? Storm's?? money back. He then started to make enquiries and asked the head waiter of Kempinski, brother of the Station cafe in Baarn, about van Viwyhe who frequented the restaurant. He was told that van Vimyhe seemed to be extremely well off.
94. Thoroughly alarmed, he then made enquiries at 24 Callandplein, van Viwyhe's late address, and heard that his wife had indeed been arrested. He then contacted Verploeg who put him in touch with the leader of the organisation De Zarte (Zwarte?). He was told that van Viwyhe was a swindler and Mr. Goldschmidt was completely unsuccessful in attempting to recover the money.
95. Van Viwyhe heard of his enquiries and sent a reply that he had in fact paid the money and that unless Mr. Goldschmidt apologised for the accusations the Dutch Government in London could be informed Mr. Goldschmidt apologise but →
KV 2/467-2, page 17
also states that he gave full details to his lawyer Hydendyk (more likely is: Hijdendijk or Heidendijk) who defended him on 27.5.42. Mr. Goldschmidt intends to take further action after the war.
96. Verploeg then asked for an introduction to Storm with a view to obtaining money for the organisation. The gullible Mr. Goldschmidt carried out the instructions but Storm regretted he could not help this time, on the excuse that the German Verwalter would notice the disappearance of the money.
97. On 16.1.42 Mr. Goldschmidt received a communication stating that his charge for desertion would be tried by special court on 27.5.42 at The Hague. On 15.4.42 he received his summons. He was defended by his lawyer Hydendyk (Hijdendijk or Heijdendijk or Heidendijk), a Reserve Artillery Major living at 89 or 91 Carel Reinierskade, The Hague. He states that he based his behaviour on that of Ludendorf at Leipzig. He was sentenced to three months and given the right to appeal, which right he exercised. Brandt, presumably on the grounds that he was a junior officer, was acquitted.
VI. Engagement by Hamburg Abwehrstelle.
99. When he met Janssen the following day, presumably 28.5.44, Jansen told him that he would be sent to America by the Germans. He was given 100 guilders which he was told came from the authorities in Hamburg and instructed to go to Amsterdam and make enquiries about the possibility of travelling. If at any time he was arrested he was to tell the Police, German or Dutch, to telephone Groningen 265 or perhaps 262, the office of the Küstenüberwagungsdienst.
100. The following day he went to Amsterdam and tried contacting the Consulates. At the Spanish Consulate he was told that he could get a transit visa if he first obtained his passage to the U.S. He was warned that an attempt to cross Spain without the necessary papers would lead to a concentration camp. He also approached the Swiss Reisebüro where he was informed that it was necessary to have a German visas to travel through that country. Apart from this he was unsuccessful/ He can throw no light on why Janssen should have asked him to find this out, beyond the fact that he was to be sent to Spain as a fugitive.
101. He wrote to Janssen and told him the results, and also mentioned a young man ??? whom he knew as ??off's parent lived in Soest. In January 1942 Roeloffs had suggested to Mr. Goldschmidt that, if escaping, he should try to contact another Esperantists as a means of obtaining help in crossing Europe. It seems unlikely that there would be any connection between Mr. Goldschmidt and any people mentioned in the Gremen?? report.
102. Mr. Goldschmidt also mentioned to Janssen an introduction given him by V.L.J. Me??en (Menten?) of 692 Keizersgracht to van der Maessen de Somer?t, Dutch Consul General in Lisbon. Menten?, an old acquaintance, had given Mr. Goldschmidt this name when Mr. Goldschmidt said he was thinking of escape via Spain.
103. Shortly afterwards, the date was probably the middle of June, Janssen called on him in Soest and informed him that his background was being discretely looked into by "our service in Holland". In the meantime he would be paid 50 guilders a month. Janssen told him not to worry about the investigations as he would certainly not be compromised. These 50 guilders he received monthly for four months, the first payment being made in June. The second and third instalments arrived by mail.
104. About this time he was having trouble with Mrs. Haverkamp who was anxious of the 50 guilders was the only sign of life from the Germans. Several →
KV 2/467-2, page 18
times during the first two months he tried to get in touch with Janssen by mail or by phoning Vieauff, which he did from the Gouden Ploeg Restaurant where he was eating as Mrs. Haverkamp refused to cook for him. He got little satisfaction from Janssen whose irritation can be seen in the fact that generally received from Vieauff the answer that Janssen was not available.
Towards the end of the third month, i.e. presumably October, started thinking
once more of leaving Holland. The waiter at the Gouden Ploeg, Richard, was
engaged to a girl in Belgium and travelled regularly across the frontier.
He introduced Mr.
Goldschmidt to a
waiter in the Cafe Verbeek (?) near the railway station in
who agreed to take him across the frontier for 100 guilders.
bore this in mind. The obvious possibility of this being connected with
his previous enquiries in Amsterdam is remembered.
106. Towards the middle of November (1942) Mr. Goldschmidt called Vieauff and left a message for Janssen to the effect that he was prepared to wait no longer. A few days later, nothing having happened, he sais that he must speak to Janssen or he would leave, without specifying destination or means of transport.
Introduction to Werner?. (the latter name almost certain being an alias)
108. He received a letter say that Janssen would be calling to see him with a man from Hamburg and that a decision would be taken. On the day in question, presumably the beginning of November 1942, Janssen arrived by car with Werner.
109. The car was stopped some distance from the house (Mrs. Haverkamp's) and Janssen then fetched Mr. Goldschmidt warning him, Mr. Goldschmidt candidly admits, not to be too verb?ns and to extremely careful if what he said. He was then introduced to Werner who, Janssen told him, was assistant to the Chief in Hamburg.
110. They than drove to Amsterdam where they had an exceedingly good lunch in the Hotel Suisse (Kalverstraat). Janssen and Werner got on extremely well. The latter is an Austrian and stated that he did not like Prussians. Various jokes were made about the well known characteristics of this race. Lunch took place in the private room upstairs.
111. Mr. Goldschmidt was asked about his American connections, especially in Colombia. Werner was particularly interested in the port of Barranquilla; about his languages and his opinion of the Germans in Holland. He replied that he thought conditions in Holland before the war were not satisfactory.
112. It was decided that he should go to the United States and expenses were then discussed, Mr. Goldschmidt's opinion being asked. His allowance was to be 150 dollars a month. The journey to Lisbon would be free. Six weeks were allowed for in Lisbon where living would cost him 50 dollars a week. He would than leave for the United States by Clipper which would cost →
KV 2/467-2, page 19
him to 1400 dollars. He was to have 150 dollars over and above his salary for entertainment and some 1200 dollars for working expenses, i.e. hire of house, construction of radio sets, etc. All this sum, including one year salary, would be covered by 5,000 dollars with which he was to start out. Arrangements could be made to pay him further supplies in either New York or Buenos Aires. At a later date in Hamburg he was asked in what denominations he wished to receive the money.
113. The talk after diner went on for an hour. No mention was made of the V.K. (U.K.?). Janssen later told him that he had made a good impression and he was informed that a decision would be taken within a few days. It was arranged that, should he be summoned to Nijmegen, he would take clothes for several nights.
114. A few days later he was in fact summoned and picked up in Nijmegen by Janssen. After a night in Goch he was taken to Hamburg, travelling by car to Münster and thence by train. During the journey by road they were stopped by a road control as no normal traffic was allowed to pass on that particular day (Dienstreise). Janssen was allowed to pass on production to pass which stated that he was Special Generalbevollmächtiger on that particular day (Dienstreise) of the Armee Korps, Münster. According to Mr. Goldschmidt a special permit was needed to travel this day.
KV 2/467-2, page 20
VII. Arrival in Hamburg.
115. He believes that he arrived in Hamburg on the 16th or 17th November 1942. Arriving in the afternoon, he was taken to the Hotel Reichshof (quite many Abwehr related agents were lodged there), where he was met by Werner, who stood by Mr. Goldschmidt when he registered in his own name with a Dutch identity card. He did not produce his passport. It was arranged that they should meet at dinner. This was a purely social meeting and no business was transacted during that day. He was shown round Hamburg by Janssen.
Google-Earth map showing the location of Hotel Reichshof, in Hamburg
Located across the Hauptbahnhof (Hamburg Central Train station) Located quite in the centre of Hamburg City.
116. The next morning he was taken to meet the Chief at No. 6 Esplanade. (AOB: actually at the other end of what is known as the: Lombardsbrücke (Bridge) on foot about 10 à 15 minutes walk) He was taken into a small suite of three rooms. He was left in the waiting-room while Janssen went into the sanctum. When Janssen came out he warned Mr. Goldschmidt to say that he was a Christian, to make no mention of his Jewish origin and to say that his parents died when he was young. AOB: I may remember vividly because in that building had, my father for more than a decade, his office at Esplanade 6, my father was working there on behalf of the "Margarine Union" owned by Unilever) AOB: they had not a normal elevator/lift but a so-called "Paternoster type" elevator! Which possessed open entrances and no elevator doors, at the beginning quite a frightening experience!)
German version https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paternosteraufzug and https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paternoster_lift English version
117. He was then introduced to Kapitän Tams (Thamm) of the German Navy, who was in Charge of Navel Intelligence (I M). Mr. Goldschmidt was treated with courtesy and no mention was mad on his race. After mentioning the Lutine connection between Janssen and Mr. Goldschmidt and saying that he himself was interested in it, Thamm said he heard Mr. Goldschmidt wished to enter "our Service". He was to be taught what ships looked like. He then returned to general affairs and that the Seyss-Inquart Government https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arthur_Sey%C3%9F-Inquart and https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arthur_Seyss-Inquart was probably a mistake and that it would have been preferable to have a military government as in Belgium.
118. Mr. Goldschmidt was the asked why he wished to work for the Germans. This question about which he felt most nervous, He stated that he had been dissatisfied with the pre-war condition of things, that he had no sheet anchor and, but for the present opportunity, might easily have become a Communist. Thamm agreed with him, stated that when young he had been extremely well off, an officer in the Imperial Navy (Kaiserliche Marine). After the last war (The Great War; 1914-1918) he lost fortune and was axed. He entered business and, as a dealer in real-estate in Berlin, has apparently lost two different fortunes under the Republic. In the advent of Hitler to power he returned to the Forces and hoped that now he will be able to keep the money he has made (again in vain, but he didn't know it). If contacting him, Mr. Goldschmidt was told to call him Herr and not Kapitän Thamm. He was to be found through the General Kommando (General Knochenhauerstraße 14).
119. Mr. Goldschmidt was then asked if he were prepared to start work straight away and said that he would prefer to return to Holland for a few days to collect his property and wind up affairs, This was agreed to. It was arranged that he should travel without any papers and that if arrested in Germany, he should tell the authorities concerned to ring up a 'phone number. He now states that this was General Kommando and seems to remember the number as 336644. In Holland anyone stopping him was to telephone Meier's office in Groningen, number forgotten. It was arranged that should work under the alias of Hans Muth. Werner, who had also been present at the interview, arranged that he should be paid 15 RM a day plus expenses, He was advanced 75 RM. He would be issued with a German passport on his return. At this interview it had been arranged that Werner should pay back to Janssen the 200 guilders which had been paid to Mr. Goldschmidt.
Return to Holland.
120. He accordingly returned to Holland, crossing the frontier at Beek. He told Mrs. Haverkamp that he would probably be leaving for South America in connection with Janssen's gold-business. He sold such clothes as he did not want to Wegerif, the butcher (slager) in Baarn, for 120 guilders, gave Mrs. Haverkamp 200 guilders and told Richard of the Gouden Ploeg that he would no longer be using his escape organisation.
KV 2/467-2, page 21
121. He then reported back to Nijmegen, where he was to meet Janssen at a rendezvous frequently used by the latter, i.e. the Ascher cigar-shop near the bus stop. This was in the same building as the N.S.D.A.P. Owing to a hitch, he had proceed to Goch by train and from here was sent back to Hamburg on the next day. A room had been reserved for him in the name of Muth at Hotel Reichshof. When questioned on this, he said that he was not certain and that a room may have been reserved in the name of On the left-hand side. He remained in this hotel only three days, after which he was moved to lodgings.
122. A passport photograph was taken in his room and shortly after this he was issued with ration cards and a passport, on which it was stated that he was a German, a lawyer, born in Leer (Ost-Friesland towards the Dutch border near to Groningen) who had recently been living in Hannover.
123. During the ensuing training he was under the general care of Werner who, as already mentioned, was assistant to Thamm of the Naval Section (I M).
124. On the same day, i.e. the day after his return to Hamburg he was Dircks (not to mix-up with Dierks whom passed away in in 1940 due to a fatal car incident), nicknamed apparently Mops, in the Hotel Vier Jahreszeiten (a ***** Hotel, then the best place in Hamburg). Werner gave him the name Dircks which, judging from the man's annoyance when Mr. Goldschmidt used it, was apparently the real one. Dircks was, like Werner, a member of the unspecialised non-technical staff who had a large car at his disposal and was a man with some importance. He took care of Mr. Goldschmidt during Werner's absence. Throughout, Mr. Goldschmidt had lunch with Werner or Dircks once a week. He was told that during his leisure hours he would be left at liberty, but he was not to go out too much to avoid the danger of his being seen by "English agents going especially to Antwerp and Amsterdam. Werner was interested in pictures and apparently bought a number in Antwerp.
125. He was instructed to find himself a room and from the Hotelbüro at the station obtained the address of the Pension Undine, the proprietor of which was Gertz, Hollweg 453, Hamburg. His room here cost him either 90 or 100 RM a month. His cover was that he was a lawyer on business. The local police were notified that he was not liable for A.R.P/ and other duties. I gather that he made a considerable impression at the Pension. He later was given a Morse buzzer, with which he was to practise at home and on at least one occasion the maid entered when he was practising and had forgotten to lock the door.
VIII. Radio Training.
On the left-hand side at Jungfernstieg we notice Hotel Vier Jahreszeiten; on the far right-hand side we notice Hotel Reichshof
View a bit up you might notice the word Vier Jahrezeiten: Esplanade also dealt with the building when Mr. Goldschmidt met with Referatsleiter I M Thamm.
The small lake in front is named: Binnenalster
126. At the Hotel Vier Jahreszeiten with Werner and Dirck he had also met Seidler, who was Mr. Goldschmidt's instructor in R/T (W/T) sending receiving and code. He taught at the Pession Mecke (cover-name), Oberststrasse 103 or 104. (Oberstraße 103 or Oberstraße 104). (Grindelberg?).
127. The Chief of the R/T (W/T) section section was Hanke. who obviously had personal disagreements with him, states that he was stupid. He was informed by Paul, who had not, apparently, a high opinion of Hamke, that the latter had extremely good party connections and surmised that this was the reason for his important position. During his surmised that this was the reason for his important position. During his second week in Hamburg Seidler asked him for his real name (note: he was, of course, known as Kapitän Muth) and various other details which were wanted for Hanke. Mr. Goldschmidt refused to give them and referred the matter to Werner, who supposed him. Later in the course, however, it transpired that the instructors knew not only real name real Mr. Goldschmidt's but, it transpired that of all other pupils, He only had a rew short interviews with Hanke. who seemed to be interested in purely general questions such as his backgrounds, progress. etc.
KV 2/467-2 page 22
128. Mr. Goldschmidt was taught the construction of transmitter by Pahl. who at the Reichenstrasse 1 First Floor (the door on the left when leaving the lift), and also at Pferdemarkt 1 or 14, Fourth Floor. This building was known as the Bibliographisches Desemuseum?? or Institute. Beginnners started at the Reichenstrasse and were then transferred to the Pferdemarkt.
129. Althoff taught long-distance sending and receiving from the cottage where he lived with his wife and 2 children in Landhaus, Hopfenbach a hamlet some 25 km N.E. of Hamburg. The cottage was obviously connected with W/T transmitting and receiving; there were 3 aerials visible, respectively 44. 36 and 20 metres aerials.
130. He also met at the Pferdemarkt Dr. Fletcher. He was not one of Mr. Goldschmidt's instructors , but was apparently engaged on radio sets of an unspecified nature, He had been in the United Kingdom for 6 or 7years.
First Month of Training.
131. The whole course lasted, 5 months and, throughout, instructions in wireless and code. It was on this that the greatest emphasis was laid. During the first months he concentrated on greatest emphasis was laid. During the first month he concentrated on sending and receiving under Seidler. As mentioned before, he was given a buzzer (Summer) for practice at home. Seidler however, was pleased and considered him promising pupil. He had during the first months some 4 lessons a week, each lasting 1 or 2 hours and the time being divided between sending and receiving. By the end of the first month he could manage some 40 letters a minute (note: The British standard of words per minute applies to words of 5 letters each.) AOB: 40 characters imply: 8 words per minutes. However, our HAM CW examination once required 12 word per minutes - consequently implying 60 characters = 12 words per minutes.
132. He continued his instruction in sending and receiving and also started instruction, again with Seidler, in code, which he continued until the last week but one of the course. As soon as he had learned the first principles, his sending and receiving was amalgamated with the code lessons, i.e. all messages had to be either coded or decoded. At the end of his second month he could receive some 55 letters a minute (Tempo: 11 words per minute).
133. He started work with Pahl (likely an alias), on the construction of transmitters. At first he studied theory, electricity, the making of prints (Zeichnung - Schaltpläne) and the building of transformers and, he was merely taught how to insert how to insert an oscillator (B.F.O.) commercial (broadcast?) receiver. He was, incidentally, instructed to purchase a 4/6-valve superhet into which the (B.F.O.) was to be introduced (build-in) for the reception of Morse. He was to buy ear-phones, which would be readily obtainable in the United States or, failing this, an old telephone receiver.
134. He continued to study code as well as W/T procedure. The code book used was a German publication on the subject of "Frederick the Great" (Friedrich II.). Roughly half-way through the course the code system was changed. He had a certain amount of difficulty in remembering the code which he was to use in the United States and will be able to supply, I gather, only the meagrest details on the code used during the first half of his training.
KV 2/467-2, page 28
136 He started long-distance transmission and reception. For this Seidler introduced him to Althoff (Althof?), but Pahl and Seidler came down once or twice to see how he was going on. He visited Hopfenbach at first on Sundays and then later once or twice a week until the end when he attended it as often as 3 times a week until his final departure. As well as normal transmitting and receiving, he studied code and general technique in connection with wavelengths, aerials, deviations, etc. He was at first under constant supervision and later, as he improved, was left to work on his own, although Althoff was always in the house.
137. The transmission times were, as a rule, from 11.00 to 12.00 hours, 15.00 to 16.00 hours and 17.00 to 18.00 hours. He would be given a message code and transmit for which he was allowed up to 30 minutes, 10 minutes being "bogey" (monster). He was given 2 and occasionally 3 wavelengths and was expected when ordered, to switch from one to the other. He received his meals in the Landhouse and no time met any other student there. It was to be presumed that only one student attended on any particular day.
138. From Hopfenbach he communicated with students at two other stations which were known as 'K' and 'P'. He later was told, completely unofficially by Althoff, that these represented Copenhagen (Kopenhagen) and Paris. He can remember a number of the degrees (converted wavelengths - the conversion being done from a photographic chart) which were most usually employed. These were 66, 64, 111, 113, also in the region of 150. One of the transmitters which he had built under the supervision of Pahl was brought out to Hopfenbach and he was made to use it.
139. During the study of other subjects the map and compass method of determining the direction of the aerial was covered. On the microfilm in his possession, it is important to note, he is given figures for doing this which apply to America. Another proof of the fact that he was intended to work in North America is to be found in the aerial length also given in the microfilm; this is 35 metres. He states that it might be possible to use as little as 20 metres. For the United Kingdom, on the other hand, 8 to 10 metres would be sufficient. However, he states that should he have to work elsewhere, he would have to work out the deviation, and the fact that he knows the aerial length necessary for the United kingdom is presumably an indication that the subject was discussed.
End of January and Beginning of February, 1943.
About this time - he cannot specify more precisely - he was introduced to Dr.
and Greiner. according KV 3/204 , page 75: Dr. Homann Dr. Jura Christian name
Friedrich Karl alias Hellwig (
The instruction took place at a conference held at Esplanade 6 attended by
Werner, Greiner and Helwich (Helwig?)
according KV 3/204
, page 75:
Homann Dr. Jura Christian
name Friedrich Karl alias Hellwig (
He gathered that Helwich (Helwig?)
was head of the Air Department (I
L), Greiner being
technical assistant. It was Helwich (Helwig?)
who later arranged the broad outline of his journey from Hamburg to Lisbon.
from Hamann in San Sebastian (Spain).
Dr. Helwich (Helwig?)
told him that he wanted a man in the United States to cover aircraft production
and that he was to be attached to their department (I
L), his pay and
general supervision being taken over by Greiner. His assignment in the
United States at this time was:
1) Information about aviation matters required by Helwich (Helwig?)
Homann Dr. Jura Christian
name Friedrich Karl alias Hellwig (
2) Naval, morale and other information.
3) Any available information about future intentions of the United States.
The last two items were required by Werner.
KV 2/467-2, page 29
142. It was arranged that Greiner should give him more specific instructions. In the meantime, he was to go ahead with his course. These more specific instructions will be dealt with later in the report. Technically, in March 1943 the Esplanade (6) headquarters were closed down. Mr. Goldschmidt was given to understand that this changing of address was a fairly frequent occurrence. The next address was 10 (?) Gryphiusstrasse, a flat belonged to Dr. Vidal.
Please remember the square lake (Innen Alster) and notice now the Gryphiusstrasse due North; this might have been a precaution for an expected big air-raid blow - which actually occurred on 24th of July 1943 known as: Operation Gomorrah
IX. Training in Secret Writing.
143. Werner suggested that it was time that Mr. Goldschmidt started the study of secret inks. Greiner accordingly introduced him to Dr. von Rhoden. He only had some 4 or 5 lessons with von Rhoden, who taught at Börsebrücke 2A. The cover address of his office was Berkmeyer und Co. Insurance. In the general discussion with von Rhoden as to what should be used the latter said that liquids were completely unsuitable as they were all known to the British Services. It was decided that he would use a paste of chewing-gum consistency which was referred to as 'Philip' and which von Rhoden described as "our newest and latest" and which he expressed complete confidence. The name 'Philip' was written on the label of the bottle containing small, round bells of the substance. Mr. Goldschmidt has no idea of the composition, which is, I understand ammonium vanadate?. In using this he was to employ he was to employ any paper any paper, in fact as a last resort it was possible to write on newspaper. He was practically recommended to use hotel or business notepaper, as in this case his writing on only one side would not be so easy remarkable. In the event of his using newspaper, it was preferable to cut out one article. Should the whole paper be sent, the specific place was on no account to be marked. This would, of course, mean developing the whole paper. The only provisa was that he was not to write across photographs.
144. The paper to be treated was first to be placed on old newspapers and rubbed very gently with cotton-wool to prevent the surface being disturbed. He was then to place the paper on a glass sheet and write on it very lightly and in block capitals with a small piece of 'Philip' on the end of a matchstick. He could then write or type on the paper on the same side as that which contained the message. On no account was he to write on the other side. After he had completed the secret message, he was to hold the paper up to the light at a very acute angle to see that there was no sign of the surface having been disturbed.
145. Various possible hiding-places for 'Philip' were discussed by van Rhoden: these were under the finger-nail, in the teeth, hair and so on ad?lib. It actual fact, Mr. Goldschmidt best suit was taken from him a month before his departure and small quantities of 'Philip' sewn in. He was later shown a chart describing hiding-places; they were:-
1) The tag of his collar.
2) The crutch of his trousers.
3) The seam at the back of his trousers between the two bracer buttons.
and also the following places which have not been found:-
4) The lining or tag between his left front bracer buttons.
5) The lining in the neighbourhood of his inside right breast-pocket.
146. Messages received would normally be written under the gummed-down part of the envelope. For developing these he was to iron them with a hot iron. This would render the writing brown before the paper itself burnt. He was then to dip the envelope in water so as to unstick it.
KV 2/467-1, page 30
147. The last months of his training were, with the exception of the ink which he had only 4/5 lessons, a continuation of the above. The ink was to be used for transmissions of economic and other information which was not of vital importance: ships' movements and other matters of urgency were to be sent by wireless.
X. Captain Max Gerdts at Barranquilla.
148. Towards the end of the first month in, he believes, the 3rd or 4th week, Werner called him to the Esplanade (Referat I M) and said that, in view of Mr. Goldschmidt's connections, details of which have, of course, been given, Werner was in favour of sending him to Colombia instead of the United States. Werner was particularly interested in Captain Max Gerdts (not: this name has also been spelled Gertz (AOB: I suppose correctly), Colombian by birth, of German origin. who in 1938 had been Captain del Puerto at Colombia and who was later transferred to Barranquilla, which is now the largest port and which is rapidly increasing importance. Gerdts (Gerz or Gertz) had faught as a volunteer reserve officer in the German Army in 1914/18 (WW I or The Great War).
149. The idea was the Mr. Goldschmidt should contact Gerdts and work as this man's wireless operator, so that in case of troubles Gerdts, who held an extremely good position, would not be involved. Incidentally, while an extremely good position, would not be involved. Incidentally, while in Colombia, Mr. Goldschmidt heard that Gerdts was extremely bribable. 2 or 3 months later, however, Werner told Mr. Goldschmidt that the Colombian project was no longer being considered; Mr. Goldschmidt assumes Gerdts had already been contacted. (AOB: maybe another option could have been the case: Since the U.S.A. was at war with Germany 11/12th December 1941), this country did put rather strong pressure upon all governments of South- and Central America. With the exception of Argentina - all persons of German origin, be it with or without being a citizen of their country had to be expelled and were brought to America. From there these people were conveyed to Sweden and from there they reached Germany. Men in the age of military service had to swore-an-oath that they will enter the German armed Forces. These terms were acknowledged by the German authorities.) https://www.cdvandt.org/gimpel-colepaugh-v4-mp4.htm and https://www.cdvandt.org/zuehlsdorf-mp4.htm
150. At about this time Werner gave Mr. Goldschmidt his assignment in North America. He was to cover:-
1) Coastal defences, i.e. fortifications and guns only.
2) The use of aircraft carriers in coastal defence.
3) To make his way to any and every possible port and report on the number of ships present loading and unloading with sizes and armaments and whether 'planes were carried.
4) The number of warships present. In this connection he was shown photographs of all ships - corvettes, destroyers, cruisers, etc. and given to study "Jane's Fighting Ships" and the German equivalent, name forgotten with emphasis on such points as the difference between seaplane carriers and normal aircraft carriers. He was also taken on a tour of Hamburg's harbour by Werner and Greiner, who was only present for the pleasure of the trip, and also a German naval captain. So far as he can remember the trip took place in March 1943, its purpose being a practical lesson in the recognition of vessels.
5) The morale of sailors, particularly of the Mercantile Marine (Handels-Schiffe) There was no suggestion that he should engage in propaganda (a spy never should do so).
6) To report on any patrols encountered along the coast with exact place and time.
7) Oil storage with all possible figures. He was to pay no attention to what he read in the newspapers.
8) New factories. Situation and purpose. Also information on strikes and the feeling among the workers.
KV 2/476-2, page 31
9) Any possible
XIII. Further Instructions.
AOB: I would like to skip some less essential references.
KV 2/467-2, page 33 (partially)
XVII. Departure from Hamburg for Lisbon.
167. The next day he left with Greiner for Berlin by train on, he believes, 5.5.43. The first of the disasters happened when Greiner and Mr. Goldschmidt became separated for a short time, lost in the Berlin Underground. When they got as far as Metz, Greiner suddenly remembered that Mr. Goldschmidt's Dutch passport had been forgotten in Hamburg. A wire was dispatched to get it sent through to Lisbon. In actual fact it was later intercepted at the German Embassy, Madrid.
KV 2/467-2, page 34
168. After entering France Greiner surrendered the authorisation for the 5,000 U.S. dollars which he was carrying to an official. Shortly after this there was a police inspection. Greiner declared the 5,000 dollars and explained that he had already handed over the permit to another official. The police were not satisfied and on arrival in Paris there was a violent scene in the office of the Bahnhofsoffizier. During this Mr. Goldschmidt waited delightedly outside. Matters were eventually smoothed out but they then had no time to obtain ration cards, and for the rest of their time in France they were forced to exist on coffee, soup, salads and such unrationed foods.
169. The proceeded direct to Hendaye (the French border town opposite Irun on the Spanish side) where rooms had been reserved in a Hotel. They remained here for, as far as he remembers, two days and two nights, from approximately the 12th to the 14th May 1943.
170. In Hendaye Mr. Goldschmidt was given a blue silk tie by which he was to be recognised belonging to Hamann De Somerkeff? in Lisbon, suggested that Hamann might be identical with Rheinbahen??. However, the description given by Mr. Goldschmidt does not tally with either of the two, admittedly conflicting, descriptions in our records. AOB: the Abwehr representative in San Sebastian was 'Fuente's' real name Uffz. Furch). Hamann is married and has two children, the family living in Lisbon, but formerly in the Hotel Palacio, Madrid. He speaks excellent Portuguese and so good Spanish. In actual fact Mr. Goldschmidt does not know this man's real name, Hamann having been suggested to him by a British official in Lisbon.
171. At the same time he was told by Greiner that the man whom he was to meet in San Sebastian would be wearing a blue shirt. At 7 am on the second day in Hendaye a car arrived from the German Consulate, San Sebastian. They set out in this and shortly before the frontier Mr. Goldschmidt was made to get into the luggage boot behind the back seat (typically something connected with Fuente). So far as he knows, Greiner left the car immediately after as, having a visa, he continued by train. Some five minutes later the car stopped and Mr. Goldschmidt heard voices. They then continued for fifteen minutes, after which he was told to come out of his hidden place.
172. They then proceeded to the Hotel Terminus (?), near the station in San Sebastian. Here he saw the man in the blue shirt who later turned out to be Hamann. he was also introduced by the man in the car to Gerber. This he believes to be the real name/ He later heard it during the identity check at Salamance (Salamanca?). Gerber was living in the Palacio Hotel in Madrid. He was married, his wife living in their house in Barmbeck (Hamburg).
173. Mr. Goldschmidt had coffee with Gerber in the restaurant of the Hotel Terminus (?). Roughly half an hour later Greiner arrived and sat at a separate table with Hamann. It was then arranged that they would meet for lunch at noon. In the interval Mr. Goldschmidt went for a walk with Gerber.
Returning to the Hotel Terminus (?) at noon, they waited until 1 p.m. when un
official arrived from the German Consulate with a letter for Greiner. This
contained a paper with
photograph, saying that his passport was in official hands and that
Goldschmidt was a
German official who was going to Madrid on business. It had originally
been arranged by Helwich
Homann Dr. Jura Christian
name Friedrich Karl alias Hellwig (
that this document should be issued authorising him to travel as far as the
Portuguese frontier. Hamann protested strongly but apparently the German
Consul was frightened of the consequences of issuing the originally intended
document. Greiner accepted it with apparent meekness.
175. It is noted that at this time Mr. Goldschmidt had no money or papers. His baggage had been searched before leaving Hendaye by Janssen (?) who weeded out any documents which might be compromising and who also removed a certain amount of superfluous clothing. Mr. Goldschmidt had kept in his pocket an unauthorised ball of 'Philip' which was also removed. In parenthesis it →
KV 2/467-2, page 35
is noted that the suit in which the 'Philip' was concealed by the German authorities was bought in Colombia. The tab on the inside pocket gave the name of the tailor and his own name as Mr. Goldschmidt. This was discovered after he had been in Hamburg for months and was at that time removed.
176. From the Terminus (?) Mr. Goldschmidt went on ahead to a restaurant with Gerber. Here they were joined by the others, Greiner and Hamann. Over an excellent lunch general topics were discussed and Greiner stated that he believed Hitler to be the wrong choice. There was apparently a general agreement. The subject was then switched, So far as he can remember, Hamann paid the bill. Although it was a public restaurant, there was no-one in the vicinity of their table.
177. At the dinner Greiner said that he would be returning in a fortnight to arrange for "another chap". Hamann said this would be impossible as he would not return to San Sebastian for a month. The "other chap" was not apparently crossing Spain but would be going direct by boat from St. Jean-de-Luz to Oporto in a fishing snack. Mr. Goldschmidt then asked why he had not adopted this simple and more comfortable journey and was told that it was necessary because he would have to be able to describe the country through which he had passed.
178. At 1500 hours it was abruptly announced that it was time they left for Portugal. They left in a car which he believes to have been hired from Madrid, the party consisting of Mr. Goldschmidt, Gerber, Hamann and the Spanish driver. Hamann incidentally was extremely ill in the car.
179. They then drove towards Branganca, being stopped at the Zona Carrada at about 2300 hours. The control, in spite of the fact that Mr. Goldschmidt had no papers, was passed uneventfully, Hamann talking to an official.
180. They then went to a house in the neighbourhood where they were supposed to contact the guide, After a long search they eventually arrived at the house and were informed that the guide had been arrested by the Spanish Police for smuggling. It was then suggested that Mr. Goldschmidt should be taken straight across the frontier then and there by Hamann, but it was decided that this was undesirable as he had no passport. Accordingly it was decided that he should return to Madrid.
181. Arrived in Madrid, after a stop on the way, Mr. Goldschmidt was left in a cafe outside the Hotel Palacio while Gerber entered the Hotel. He was then taken to the German Consulate where he waited for an extremely long time but without development. Hamann apparently approached the German Ambassador in an attempt to obtain cover for Mr. Goldschmidt is not able to explain the document stating that he was a German official was inadequate.
182. Mr. Goldschmidt was then given money and told to amuse himself until the evening when he was due to meet Hamann in the cafe outside the Hotel Palacio at midnight. At this meeting Hamann confessd that he had been entirely unsuccessful and took Mr. Goldschmidt to pass the night in a brothel, arranging to meet at noon the next day in the same cafe. However, he was merely given some money and a fresh rendezvous for 11 o'clock the same evening at the Negresco.
KV 2/467-2, page 37
183. At the evening he was given his Dutch passport which Oerbryer??? had intercepted at the Spanish Embassy. Hamann, whom he did not see after the first day in Madrid, had apparently left for Lisbon to make fresh arrangements for Mr. Goldschmidt's departure. Hamann had connection with the International Police in Lisbon. Mr. Goldschmidt found the same class of lodgings as the previous night but was forbidden to return to the same house.
184. On the following morning Gerber introduced him to a German friend, whose name Mr. Goldschmidt learned later was Oscar Schäfer. The introduction was affected at 1900 hours at a restaurant.
185. Here Gerber told Mr. Goldschmidt that he was to be lodged with a friend of Schäfer when Mr. Goldschmidt believes to be called Barqjos Carcia. Garcia (Examiner's note: I am not entirely satisfied as to which is the surname), was a Spaniard who was unemployed. He was not in Gerber's confidence since he was merely told that Mr. Goldschmidt was a German who happened to be stranded without a passport. While leaving here Mr. Goldschmidt was instructed to leave the house at 9 a.m. and not to return until the evening, as if he were working.
186. After three days at Calle Central ????, Schäfer met him by appointment at the Cafe Ferdinandez and gave him some money. It is noted that Mr. Goldschmidt had, as yet received the 5,000 dollars.
187. After ten or twelve days on, he believes, 25.5.43 he was told that preparations had been made for his departure. He was given a rendezvous for the Cafe opposite the Palacio Hotel where Gerber met him and told him that the original document stating that he was a German official entitled to travel to Madrid had been altered, and Salamanca substituted for Madrid. This document, which was made out in the name of Muth, had not been stamped by the Spanish authorities. He was told to take no clothes as he would be doing a great deal of walking.
AOB: what a great deal of amateurism!
188. In the cafe he almost met Schaefer who told him that if he, Mr. Goldschmidt were captured by the Spanish authorities, Schaefer's name was not to be mentioned.
189. He then set out with a guide, Pre??s. He and the guide were then given a rendezvous for fifteen minutes later in a street nearby.
Apparently some pages have been weeded and are, therefore lacking.
(4) (9 November 2022)
KV 2/467-2, page 37
XIX. Over addresses.
199. The cover address is now in his possession and had been given to him in Hamburg. Two are contained in a letter in his property which has now been developed. They are:-
1. Antonio Concalves Navega,
Rua S. R?oque de Lameira 1061
The open text for this address should be written in English and deal with business matters.
2. Sta, Felisa Jimene y Doctor,
The open text for this address should be written in Spanish and be in the form of love letters.
Haman also gave him the address:- (which he has already used under direction)
3. Augusto Strecht,
In writing to this address he was to use Spanish, to send the code book with regards from 'Elvira' and in his cover letter to talk about business. He understands that Augusto Strecht is a young man who is studying at night school.
XX. Contacts with Allied Authorities in Lisbon.
200. Hamann then took leave of him and told him to go and report to the Dutch Consul, changing one of his 100 dollar bills on the way. So far as he remembers, the date was 27.5.43. He then made his way direct to the Dutch Legation where he reported to van der Maessen de Sommer??F. Dutch consul General. Finding he was not there he proceeded to Somer??? private house by taxi/ Being equally unsuccessful he then returned to the office, where? he eventually contacted the Consul. He did not bother to find out if he was being followed. Incidentally, he was never given any tips on how to avoid pursuit.
201. He was then taken to see Dr. Vlass (Vlas?), Charge d'Affaires, who offered to let him sleep either in the Legation or in one? of the Secretaris house. Lunts (Luns?), the Attaché, was then called in and it was decided that such official cover would be far too obvious. According to Mr. Goldschmidt Lunts is chief assistant to de Somdreef??.
202. Lunts (Luns?) gave him a paper stating that his passport was in the hands of the authorities and advised him to go to the Banco?? Lia ?? in de Avenida Liberade. He managed to stay here for some time without a passport on the excuse that it was coming from one day to the next.
203. After three or four days he was interviewed by Maas-Gest?anus who made out a two page report. There followed a period of, so far as can be gathered, considerable hostility between Mr. Goldschmidt and Maas, Mr. Goldschmidt alleging that not nearly sufficient attention was paid to him and that Maas for a very considerable time refused to see him after the first interview.
204. He was told to report to the International Police where, in the presence of Droogkr??k, he was formally arrested by the Portuguese Captain Da Silva and sent to Praia where, with his compatriot, he was under the general charge of ??xander. He believes that this? man does not know of his →
KV 2/467-2, page 38
connections with the Germans. So far as Mr. Goldschmidt can state, persons in the know were Lunts (Luns?), Dr. Vlaes. Maas and de Someref?.
205. His money, micro-film and secret ink were kept in a safe by Lunts (Luns?). However, when he left for Fraia he took a safe at the Banco Ultramarino and lodged there his money and papers.
206. With the 5,000 dollars he has bought a kilo of gold and a number of shares. He did a certain amount of speculating and at some time owned a kilo and a half of gold. The third half, however, he later sold at the cost price. Among shares which he has bought are Tobacco, Gas, and Electricity and Electric Street Cars. These transactions are supported by his documents.
207. His contacts with the British and Dutch authorities in Lisbon have not been covered in this report. Amongst chance acquaintances be mentioned. Simon K?lak, aged 52, Dutch; has been in Lisbon for one year, formerly in Amsterdam, aged 42, German-Dutch from Copenhagen. Living at Pensao? Lis, working with Govins? Company, address unknown. A friend ??vissen whom he met was Tito Jose Akuda, Portuguese reserve officer living in Praoa? Luis de Comses? Lisbon. Another contact was Amado Chaves, Rua des Fanqueires 7-3.
208. He left Lisbon, so far as he can remember on 17.9.43.
XXI. Cover Story.
This cover story was given to
Goldschmidt by Dr.
Homann Dr. Jura Christian
name Friedrich Karl alias Hellwig (
in Hamburg shortly before he left, i.e. probably sometimes in April 1943. It was
written out on a bit of paper and had, so far he knows, been worked out by Helwich (Helwig?).
He was to give a correct account of his life in Holland after the capitulation,
leaving out of course all contact with Janssen and other Germans.
210. In November 1942 he was to go hiding with van Ky??en (Kij??en?) living at 86 or 89 Weteringschans, Amsterdam, a photographer. This man had at some time been punished by the Dutch National Socialist Party (NSB). On this account he was apparently believed to be a patriot although in actual fact he was, according to Mr. Goldschmidt a trusted agent of the Hamburg Service, Mr. Goldschmidt never actually met van Eisden? and cannot say whether the latter's trouble with the N.S.B. was real or engineered. This information has already been given to the Dutch authorities in Lisbon.
211. The original version was that he should have crossed from Holland into Belgium, the last village in Holland was Sittard, Mr. Goldschmidt, however, painted out to the Germans that Sittard was actually in Belgium and so it was decided that he was to have crossed the frontier elsewhere. (Examiner' note: I consulted a Gazette which corroborated the fact the Sittard was in fact Belgium. Confirmation was then sought from various maps, all of which confirmed the original German statement that Sittard is Holland.) With reference to the first suggested crossing in the Sittard area, Mr. Goldschmidt says that this was chosen by the Germans since they had recently caught some persons unspecified attempting to get across the frontier nearby.
212. It was then decided that he should have crossed the frontier in the neighbourhood of Weert and Stamproy. Stamproy is in fact within 2 kms of the frontier. He had been stationed he during the 1914-1910 war.
213. Once in Belgium, he was to make his way to Liege (Luik), he was supposed to be travelling by cycle, and here make his way to the Café or Hotel St. Louis in the Pace Ste, Juliette. He was told how to get to this place, i.e. from the station he was to go straight ahead, to traverse a small Place and then to continue to the next Place. He states that is very possible that he had muddled the names. .....
AOB: I would like to skip this notional story as well as some on codes; as well as how he virtually reached in Lisbon.
KV 2/467-3, page 4 partially, + page 5b
XXV. Character. R992 R992return
260. A worthless individual, the crumbling of some character can be traced from 1920 onwards. He has the lack of self-respect which constitutes a good borrower of money, but a certain charm of man??r and more than superficial frankness which have helped him to make friends with such ease. he is essentially a realist with no delusions about himself, which makes him behave naturally with all c???es and people and renders him readily adaptable. He would not appear to be tied by nationality, religion, ideals or class. His lack of self-respect was evidenced during interrogation by an almost masochistic pleasure in confession of such irrelevant details on? that at one? period during his life he had been free outside which he admits is an all-important one, the opinion of the majority and of whose impartial judgement of himself obtrudes on his consciousness. While no person or ideal has had any lasting away, he is because of his character and because of his instability, eminently an enable to influence from those about him.
261. He is incapable of concentration and his mental processes are very far from agile. His complete lack of discretion has been amply evidenced and he suggested in all seriousness that, if he were sent to the U.S.A., he would tell his friends, such as Nysenhoff?, about his experiences in Hamburg. That he could be controlled would have to be a continuous 24 hour watch.
262. It is noted that he is a non-smoker and apparently a teetotaller (teetotalist) (someone drinking only tea). Remembering his age, he does not show any signs of dissipation.
263. Mr. Goldschmidt has all the qualities to be expected in an enemy-recruited agent. It is only puzzling that he should not have been recruited and trained earlier. Supposing that he is speaking the truth in saying that he did not meet Janssen until the summer of 1941, this leaved 18 months of wasted opportunity, 18 months during which far more unsuitable material was chosen and trained. Further, nothing happened during this time which would materially affect his case. he was at the end no more poverty-stricken, no more open to blackmail. He admits that he would have expected an assignment at the time of his introduction to Major Schmidt. He is hard to believe that the checking of his credentials would have taken so long. He was presumably from the point of view of the Germans a possible member of an Allied organisation with his many foreign contacts, but it wood have needed little watching to get a complete picture of his habits, amongst which his garrulousness and, above all, of his financial destitution.
264. We have nothing except his own unreliable word and the negative factor of Linzel's?? silence to support his statement that he was no engaged on counter-espionage or other work for the enemy, prior to November 1942.
265. His account of what happened is credible and his reaction under the pressure of cross-examination was satisfactory, especially when his abortive attempt to claim Christian Dutch origin in remembered.
266. His assertion that he only accepted work from the enemy with the idea of getting out of Occupied territory fits perfectly into his story and is to a certain extent in keeping with his character.
267. It seems hard to believe that so happy-go-lucky an individual, so amenable to the influence of the great majority of these around him, would envisage work as a solitary traitor. Certainly, so soon as there was any question of leaving immediate German control, it would be logical for him to get the course of least resistance and confess to his training and mission. Obviously for the same reason he would be unlikely now to confess to having worked for the enemy in Holland.
268. I have the feeling that, his admission about his life since November 1942 being completely acceptable. the employment of his time prior to this date is to a certain extent immaterial, since we have ample evidence of the fact that he is entirely unreliable, but is in his own interest prepared to cooperate fully until and unless whose interests dictate otherwise. There cannot be any doubt that if he again fell into the hands of the Germans, he would be as frank with them as he has been with us.
269. However, I am left with the very strong but purely personal impression that he has spoken the truth. It was very evident when he was giving the first version of his origin and upbringing that he was in fact lying.
27.9.43. B.1.a (= M.I.5) AOB: in my perception, most likely, the author/editor of this report is to be found more in the direction of S.I.S. (M.I.6) than in the M.I.5 organisation.
KV 2/467-3, page 8
Schematic of a shortwave transmitter, prepared by Mr. Goldschmidt, though it could also have been prepared in Hamburg
I must admit, that the keying circuit is a bit curious, which will not say - that it couldn't be an advanced circuitry.
What, in my perception is certain, is, that the latter interrogator (of B1a) will, most likely, have lacked the engineering understanding - to be able to grasp what this schematic does constitute.
KV 2/467-3, page 10 (minute 21a)
24th September, 1943
Dear (S.I.S. colleague),
The F.B.I. have not yet decided whether they wish to use Mr. Goldschmidt as a Double Agent in America as they are awaiting a full report on his interrogation) on behalf of B.1.a. Please consider: KV 2/467-3, page 4 partially, + page 5b
Meanwhile, in order that there shall be no complications with the Dutch government in London, we have asked our Dutch section to see the Dutch Intelligence authorities and give them a short outline of the case on the lines of the attached not.
for T.A. Robertson
Luckily, finally a more balanced document - on behalf of S.I.S/M.I.6 addressed to T.A. Robertson Lt-Col. (B.1.a.) (M.I.5.)
KV 2/467-3, page 29a
(S.I.S.) CX/ xxx /1263 dated 1st August 1943
A certain Helmut Siegfried Goldschmidt a Dutch Jew, Mr. Goldschmidt has offered his services in Lisbon as a double-agent. His story is that he was trained at Hamburg and given a fairly free hand as to destination - with a preference for South America - with a joint Eins Marine (I M) and Eins Luft (I L) (I = military intelligence, L = GAF) assignment. His motive for accepting the German offer was according to him, to get out off Holland and it was always his intention to double-cross as soon as he crossed the Spanish frontier.
S994 ↓↓↓↓↓ S994return
Unfortunately, but naturally, his first allied contact was with his own countrymen. He was in touch with the Dutch Consul-General from 27th May 1943 and between then and 6th July the Dutch Intelligence officer sent him to see our representative, no effective steps were taken regarding his future movements. As you will understand therefore, we must act quickly if we act at all. Mr. Goldschmidt created a good impression on our (S.I.S.?) representative in Lisbon, that of an easy-going, fairly tough Dutchman, intelligent and resourceful. He was at one time an amateur pilot and employed in the Fokker works - which explains his I Luft (I L) (I = military intelligence; L concerned 'air force' related intelligence; but also technology and aircraft related intelligence known as: I T/Lw information on technical matters /Wi = Wirtschaft = economic intelligence) assignment - and he is also an ex-employee of Shell which should help to justify a U.K. visa. During the invasion he was captain (reserved of Cavalry and was attached to the 4th Regiment of Hussars, Ede.
Mr. Goldschmidt's account of his training and contacts ties up in a number of particulars with information in our possession, and there is no doubt about the main lines of his story. His full statement is in the hands of our translators, and will send you a copy as soon as I receive it. The following is a rapid summary.
KV 2/467-3, page 30b
Mr. Goldschmidt's principle contact with the ?? German intelligence service was a certain Mathias Janssen (PF 601739 file does sadly no longer exist) of whom we had no previous knowledge - a German who in 1936 was practising in Koch (Goch) as an architect and who, according to Mr. Goldschmidt was recruited by the staff of a certain Army Corps H.Q. at Münster to set up an espionage organisation in Holland. Mr. Goldschmidt had met Janssen first in 1932, but the story opens in the summer of 1941, when Mr. Goldschmidt saw him twice and at this second meeting Janssen confirmed to him that he was engaged in "economic espionage". Two months later Janssen took him to Münster and introduced him to a Major Dr. Schmidt, (known to us as an Abwehr officer) who interrogated him on North and South America and emphasized German interest in the Panama Zone. This contact apparently came nothing. Next, at the beginning of 1942, Janssen introduced him to a Dr. Meier (Mayer, or Meyer?), who was said to be in charge of coastal control of the Frisian (Frysian) coast with headquarters at Groningen. Meier offered him employment, telling him to mix with the Dutch officers and hinted that he might have to go to the U.K. later on, but Mr. Goldschmidt declined.
Mr. Goldschmidt's espionage mission at last got under way in August 1942 when Janssen told him he was to go to South America for economic espionage. Janssen took him to Hamburg, where he was in contact with a certain Werner and a Captain Tams (Thamm) (probably an alias) of naval (Marine) espionage section (I M). He received the following instructions in Hamburg:
Wireless transmitting and receiving and coding. Instructor was Eidler (?), Oberstrasse 103 (Grindelberg?) or 104 in Pension Hecke.
Shipping and convoy movements etc. Instructor ???.
Aviation matters from Greiner whose chief is a Dr. Helwich (Helwig?)
Homann Dr. Jura Christian
name Friedrich Karl alias Hellwig (
Construction of W/T apparatus. Instructor Pahl (real name according to Mr. Goldschmidt is Schmitt?) (AOB: formerly Mr. Goldschmidt noticed that Pahl alias Schmitt, I went again through the Spring 1937 German "Funkliebhaber" call-sign list as well as the wartime 1941 call-sign list and nowhere found the name Schmitt or Schmidt or that like) https://www.cdvandt.org/DASD-Staritz-Kriegsfunksendegenehmigungen-1941.pdf and https://www.cdvandt.org/DASD%20Rufzeichen%20Li%20m%20upgrade.pdf .
Instruction took place at Reichenstrasse 1 and also nearby the Pferdemarkt 12-14. IV ? where
KV 2/467-3, page 31c + 32d
There was a radio workshop in the name of Bibliografisches Institut.
Instructions in radio apparatus for long distance work. Special instruction from a certain Althoff (Althof?) instruction at the village of Hopfenbach.
Secret inks. Instructor Dr. von Rhoden*/ Place of instruction - Börsenbrücke 5a. in von Rhoden's office.
Several of the names and addresses tie-up satisfactorily with our previous knowledge.
Meanwhile there were visa difficulties: a Spanish visa proved unobtainable without the South American - which Mr. Goldschmidt hoped to obtain through the Dutch Consul-General in Lisbon to whom he had certain Esperantist introduction. After his training was completed therefore arrangements were made for crossing the Portuguese frontier clandestinely. He went with a certain Greiner to Hendaye (Border town in South/Western France opposite the Spanish town Irun) , where Greiner had some trouble at the frontier with the German police over the money he was carrying (wasn't this in the vicinity of Paris?): this had to be cleared up at Paris, and Mr. Goldschmidt went on by car to San Sebastian. Here he met two Germans Gerber and Hamann. Hamann, it seems probable, is the I TLWi agent. F.W Hamann, already known to us. One attempt to cross the Portuguese frontier failed and Mr. Goldschmidt returned to Madrid where he had great trouble with his accommodation and was more or less left at large for about three weeks. On 25th May he left Madrid with Gerber and a Spanish guide, crossed the frontier near Villa Formosa, caught the night train from Guarda to Lisbon, where he arrived on 27th May. He was taken in Lisbon to Rua do Garmo 98 where a German gave him 5000 dollars and instructions. He then the same day called on the Dutch Consul-General and gave him the whole story.
In Hamburg Mr. Goldschmidt had been given two microphotographs, sewn into the collar of his coat, being the plan of a W/T set and instructions for using it, These have been given to our representative. Secret ink was also hidden in his coat - details have not yet been reported. He has been given two cover addresses - one in Lisbon and one in Madrid - which are contained in S.I. (Secret Intelligence) messages not yet developed.
The delay which has occurred in Lisbon would have been more serious if it were not the Germans' own slipshod handling of Mr. Goldschmidt on which he commented himself. For instance his papers were forgotten on leaving Hamburg, the guide who was to take him over the Portuguese frontier on the first occasion did not turn up and he had great difficulty in finding accommodation in Madrid where he was allowed to roam the streets for three weeks without any documents at all.
(AOB: especially among the extensive organisations in Madrid, there existed quite some animosity between the Abwehr K.O.Sp. and the diplomats at the German Embassy. Diplomats differ quite from the secret services in respect to their attitudes; and visas and passports were the concerns of diplomats, and they didn't like one another)
This is not the kind of case which we like to present for your consideration - there are too many lacunae, but in this case speed is essential. Our view is that Mr. Goldschmidt would be for more value in South America than in England and that, if you consent and the F.B.I. are interested in handling the case, he should come here only as a necessary stage in obtaining his South American visa. In the first place it is possible that he might proceed here some nominal employment for his Government (which one?). We are writing simultaneously to the F.B.I. but we (S.I.S./M.I.6 and M.I.5) should like to hear from you as soon as possible whether you would be prepared to admit Mr. Goldschmidt provided that his future use in South America is agreed on.
Sgd. for J.F. Cowgill. (= S.I.S./M.I.6.)
We have learned that Helmuth (Hellmuth) Siegfried Goldschmidt's file Series
have been extended by means of the 1492
Goldschmidt's FBI file pages
By Arthur O. Bauer